POLITICS WITHIN THE LATE-PAHLAVI STATE: THE MINISTRY OF ECONOMY AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY, 1963–69

2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vali Nasr

In February 1963, the government in Iran formed the Ministry of Economy—a pilot bureaucratic agency that was to oversee industrial transformation and generate growth. In 1969, after six years of unprecedented growth and significant industrialization,1 the political leadership withdrew its support for the ministry and broke down its autonomy. The fate of the ministry had little to do with its performance or promise in the economic arena. It was, rather, the political implications of the rise of an autonomous and competent bureaucratic agency, and the rationalization of industrial policy-making, that led the political leadership—and Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi in particular—to end its support for this experiment.

2019 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Rodolfo Di Tommaso ◽  
Antonio Angelino

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the main features of the Vietnamese economic transition and industrial development pattern analyzing the evolution of the industrial policy formulation in the light of the changes in the country’s productive specialization and competitive position in the international division of labor. The authors also aim at stressing the role exerted by different external paradigm of influence on the Vietnamese policy making and the function of selectivity as an instrument to upgrade the competitiveness of the Vietnamese production system. Design/methodology/approach The paper provides a descriptive analysis of the Vietnamese recent economic trends and structural transformation dynamics. It realizes a literature review concerning the academic debate on the role and the effects of industrial policy in Vietnam identifying a categorization between different theoretical perspectives. In addition, it implements an in-depth analysis of the main industrial planning strategies promoted by the government investigating the evolution of the lines of the country’s economic policy agenda. On the basis of the previous analyses, the paper draws out some conclusions about the application of selective criteria in Vietnamese industrial policy interventions. Findings An in-depth examination of the planning prescriptions suggests that the Vietnamese government has undertaken a pronounced paradigm change in the course of last 15 years. The Vietnamese planning approach displays a shift toward a systematic and extended vision concerning the role of industrial policy, which result to be in clear discontinuity with respect to the market-friendly approach supported by Washington institutions. Nevertheless, this configuration outlines several limits characterizing the Vietnamese planning activity, connected to the lack of transparency and efficiency of the governance mechanisms that risk to undermine the effectiveness of the upgrading policies. Originality/value The paper focuses on Vietnam, an emerging economy in transition whose development trajectory has been characterized by peculiar economic and policy dynamics. The hybrid character of the government policy-making approach makes it difficult to identify univocal interpretations concerning the country’s industrial development dynamics and the resulting policy implications. In this perspective, the analysis has shed light on the mechanisms conditioning the formulation of industrial policy in Vietnam, focusing on the external influences exerted on its definition and on the domestic interactions associated to its implementation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 (234) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Mihas

AbstractThis study offers an on-the-ground perspective on the multi-layered process of the Ashéninka and Asháninka state-initiated standardization reform, with the Upper Perené Ashéninka of Peru being a case in point. The reform is carried out in the context of the dramatic decline in the Ashéninka Perené language use due to the community-wide shift to the national language, Spanish. Presented within the ethnographic framework, the analysis focuses on the community’s own view of the national language policy, revealed in the speakers’ language allegiances and attitudes to its own language and literacy, and that of the competing Tambo Asháninka variety, chosen by the government actors to be the written standard. On the basis of a comprehensive video and audio corpus, the ethnography considers conflictive discursive histories of the policy-makers including those of language consultants, bilingual teachers, tribal and political leadership and educational policy agents. The on-the-ground implementation of the standardization reform is supported by the younger generation of speakers who generally have a passive knowledge of the Upper Perené language. Older policy-makers, organized into a language consultant team, have launched resistance projects including the production of Upper Perené books and dictionaries which use the language community’s own spelling conventions.


Significance This is a crucial step for the government before year-end, together with long-term banking issues and slowing economic recovery. The European Commission has allowed Italy considerable fiscal flexibility; the government promises to start reducing its debt-to-GDP ratio this year. However, the slowdown could delay achieving this goal. Under this scenario, the government has to campaign for the referendum on its Senate reform. A 'yes' vote is key not only for reforming the political system, but the government's survival. Impacts A 'no' outcome would pull Italy into deep uncertainty concerning its political leadership. It would also end Renzi's premiership; a new majority could follow up to the 2018 general election. However, since Renzi is the PD leader, he is unlikely to support a new government; early elections are likely. In case of a 'yes' outcome, Renzi's premiership will be reinforced, marking a turning point to his declining popularity.


Author(s):  
Augie Fleras ◽  
Roger Maaka

Engaging politically with the principles of indigeneity is neither an option nor a cop out. The emergence of Indigenous peoples as prime-time players on the world’s political stage attests to the timeliness and relevance of indigeneity in advancing a new postcolonial contract for living together differently. Insofar as the principles of indigeneity are inextricably linked with challenge, resistance, and transformation, this paper argues that reference to indigeneity as policy(- making) paradigm is both necessary and overdue. To put this argument to the test, the politics of Maori indigeneity in Aotearoa New Zealand are analyzed and assessed in constructing an indigeneity agenda model. The political implications of an indigeneity-policy nexus are then applied to the realities of Canada’s Indigenous/Aboriginal peoples. The paper contends that, just as the Government is committed to a gender based analysis (GBA) for improving policy outcomes along gender lines, so too should the principles of indigeneity (or aboriginality) secure an indigeneity grounded analysis (IGA) framework for minimizing systemic policy bias while maximizing Indigenous peoples inputs. The paper concludes by theorizing those provisional first principles that inform an IGA framework as a policy (-making) lens.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Manzoor Ali ◽  
Lv Tao ◽  
Aftab Ahmed Shaikh Shaikh ◽  
Muhammad Sajid

The Leaders and their leadership style possess strong influence on corporate sector and its overall working affairs. Effective political leadership is a benchmark for successful corporations as they follow the best strategies from political setup and move towards productivity and efficiency. This paper, therefore, highlights the importance of successful leadership theories and practices, which may follow by the corporate sector for better results. This study explores the influence of political leadership on corporate governance as a corporate sector has to remain under the policy and rule dominancy of the state, hence, this paper elaborates the research questions comprising of 20 items in order to know the influence of political leadership and to analyze the leadership theories and practices in Pakistan.This paper is quantitative in nature, and close ended questionnaire was used to collect the data from 100 samples comprising of government and private-sector employees working in Pakistan. The statistical tool's factor analysis and correlation are used, and according to the results by factor analysis, 5 components were retained or extracted out of 20 variables. All the variables show high level of correlation with components as cumulative correlation measured by Factor Analysis is .825, which is good in practice. As per results derived from KMO and Bartlett’s test, the overall sampling remained .796 that shows a good measurement. In addition to the results, respondents favor that political leadership, and corporate governances are essential ingredients for the organizational development. Majority of respondents were of view that political leadership put strong influence on the affairs of corporate governance.This paper will help the government and corporate sector to work in collaborative way to achieve their respective goals and run the country and organizations on sound economic track. In continuation, this study also helps the political governments to revisit their influence and ensure complete agreement and harmony with corporate sector, and thus help the corporate sector in performing its role in sustainable economic development.The necessity of this study was strongly felt as corporate sector in Pakistan has yet to revise its relations with the sitting political government for effective contribution to gross national production (GDP). The performance of corporate sector in terms of productivity and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is not satisfactory at all in Pakistan, but working collaboratively and delegating powers to down level can really help both political and corporate sector to achieve their pre-specified objectives.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Linde

Abstract The essay examines Vladimir Putin’s civilisational discourse, which arose in earnest with the publication of his presidential campaign articles in 2012. It argues that what makes Putin’s rendering of Russia’s civilisational identity distinctive is its strongly emphasized Statism, understood as a belief in the primacy of the state. This suggests that while his endorsement of a distinct civilisational identity represents an important conceptual turn as regards how national identity is articulated, there are also significant lines of continuity with previous presidential periods, given that state primacy has been at the heart of Putin’s political agenda since the very beginning of his presidential career. This detail also reveals a great deal about the political rationale behind Putin’s commitment to a Russian civilisational identity. It provides the government with a theoretical justification of an illiberal political course. There are important implications for foreign policy-making as well. In relation to the West, there is an attempt to limit its normative reach by depicting liberal values as less than universal. In regional affairs, Russia is attempting to legitimate its involvement in the near abroad on civilisational grounds. The loose definition of ‘co-patriots’ as foreign nationals experiencing some affinity with Russia gives it plenty of leeway in this regard. Lastly, Russia has petitioned for Ukraine’s neutrality based on the argument that the country is straddling a civilisational fault line.


Intizar ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 319
Author(s):  
Adek Risma Dedees

Kebijakan affirmative action merupakan bentuk diksriminasi positif bagi perempuan di Indonesia untuk terlibat langsung dalam proses pembuatan dan pengambilan kebijakan di parlemen. Dengan kebijakan ini kesadaran gender di parlemen pelan tapi pasti memberikan harapan bagi perjuangan dan keadilan perempuan. Kebijakan affirmative action diharapkan mampu mengubah wajah parlemen yang bias kepentingan patriarki menuju kebijakan-kebijakan yang lebih ramah kepada perempuan. Sementara itu, partisipasi perempuan melalui dinasti politik sebagai sandaran tidak bisa disebut jelek atau tidak memiliki modal atau pengetahuan berpolitik. Sebagai tahap awal dan lewat jalur apapun, lebih baik rakyat melihat perempuan di posisi paling tinggi di pemerintahan, perusahaan, dan organisasi daripada tidak sama sekali. Jenis penelitian ini kualitatif interpretatif dengan kajian pustaka perihal persoalan partisipasi perempuan dalam ranah politik.Affirmative action policies are forms of positive discrimination for women in Indonesia to be directly involved in the manufacturing process and policy making in parliament. With this policy of gender awareness in parliament, it slowly but surely gives hope to women's struggle and justice. Affirmative action policies are expected to change the face of parliament biased towards the interests of patriarchal policies that are more friendly to women. Meanwhile, the participation of women through political dynasty as the backrest cannot be called bad, or does not have the capital or knowledge of politics. As an early stage and through any path, it is much better people's view of women is in the highest positions in the government, companies, and organizations than nothing at all. This type of research is qualitative interpretive literature review regarding the issue of women's participation in the political sphere.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-99
Author(s):  
Jinwoo Jung

The purpose of this study is to explain government efforts for administrative reform using ICTs in Korea. Especially, this study focuses on how the government informs, consults with and engages citizens using ICTs through an analysis of OPEN system in Seoul. Firstly, the political backgrounds and the institutions for constructing the e-government have been analyzed. Secondly, the OPEN system in Seoul has been analyzed. The result of this study shows that constructing the e-government as a means of administrative reform strengthens public participation and transparency in policy making process in spite of a few obstacles such as digital divide, secrecy problem.


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