The Bakhtiyâri Khans, The Government of Iran, and the British, 1846–1915

1972 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene R. Garthwaite
Keyword(s):  
Economic Importance ◽  
Oil Fields ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Strategic Factors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Pasture Area

Great power rivalry in nineteenth and early twentieth century Iran and the Qajar dynasty's dependence upon British and Russian support have long attracted the attention of western scholars. Recent scholarship also has begun tocus on internal power shifts in response to these conditions. An important element in these processes, but one which has been relatively unstudied, is political change within the great tribal confederations, especially the Bakhtiyâri. A number of elements contributed to the political transformation of the Bakhtiyâri. To begin with, the heightening of political activity in the tribe coincided with a decline of central power and authority and the growth of Anglo-Russian rivalry in Iran. Also significant was the concentration of powerand wealth within one princely family of the Bakhtiyâri. In addition a number of economic and strategic factors played a role in creating a new alignment of power among the Bakhtiyâri and Tehran and Great Britain. Chief among these elements were the increasing strategic and economic importance of the Bakhtiyâri winter pasture area in Khuzistan following the discovery of the oil fields there and the new national political role played by the Bakhtiyâri following the Persian Revolution.

The Singapore Ulama

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 561-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuty Raihanah Mostarom
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Government ◽  
Common Perception

There is a common perception that Muslim religious leaders (ulama) in Singapore do not play any political role for the local Muslim community. Due to the seemingly close relationship between the government and grassroots Muslim organisations it is unsurprising that many presume that the activities of organisations such as the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) and the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) are closely monitored by the government. As a result of this environment, the ulama in Singapore do not enter into the political arena. This article argues that the very act of keeping religion out of formal political life in Singapore is a conscious position taken by the local ulama and that in itself is a form of politics. Choosing not to do something is a political choice.

Don’t hatch the messenger? On the desirability of restricting the political activity of bureaucrats

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi
Keyword(s):  
Welfare Analysis ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Active Part ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Voter Perceptions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Workers

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.

scholarly journals Politicization of Religion in Theoretical and Terminological Understanding

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
M. Kh. Abdullaev
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spiritual Values ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Rich

The article is devoted to an actual interdisciplinary problem at the intersection of political science and religious studies – the discourse of the political in religion, the politicization of religion, the artificial transfer of purely spiritual values, phenomena and categories into the political field in order to use religion for political purposes. The author considers the problem from two angles: (1) the politicization of religion for mercenary purposes and (2) the clergy’s political activity based on a deliberately politicized religious teaching that has a strong political platform (ideology) at its core. This study is purely theoretical, and nevertheless the author undertakes a number of empirical digressions in order to demonstrate how the politicization of religion manifests itself in the socio-political sphere of human life. Thus, the main problem of the study should be designated as a theoretical understanding and disclosure of the practical significance (i.e., risks and effects) of the religion politicization’s negativity and how it could effect on religious groups. The article identifies the objective factors of the mutual influence of religion and politics, the presence of strong political origins in a number of creeds, and the rich historical experience of the political role of faith in society.

Framing media populism: The political role of news media editorials in Duterte’s Philippines

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fourth Estate ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Media Frames ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.

Were Women and Young People the Heart of the Pinochet Regime? Rise and Decline of the Secretariats

2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-583
Author(s):  
Verónica Valdivia Ortiz de Zárate
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Southern Cone ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complete Understanding ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
Political Project ◽  
The Government

Abstract This article focuses on the political role of the Secretariats of Women and Youth, which were created by Augusto Pinochet’s military regime, in an effort to unearth their underlying rationale. It departs from previous interpretations of these organizations that privilege the influence of foreign models in their formation, highlighting instead factors internal to Chile and seeking a more complete understanding of the dictatorship’s actions in regard to the secretariats. This analysis portrays the Chilean secretariats as different from their counterparts in other Southern Cone dictatorships. The trajectories of the secretariats followed the Chilean regime’s political evolution, as they served different goals and strategies and changed course as the government developed a more clearly defined political project, along with policies to carry such a project out.

Somali Resistance to Colonial Rule and the Development of Somali Political Activity in Kenya 1893–1960

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Turton
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Somali Youth

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisterspar excellenceand fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.

The Pet Banks in Jacksonian Politics and Finance, 1833–1841

1963 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry N. Scheiber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Financial Policy ◽  
Andrew Jackson ◽  
Federal Funds ◽  
Political Role ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

In September 1833, Andrew Jackson issued an executive order ending deposit of Federal funds in the Bank of the United States, which had been the government depository since 1817. The culmination of Jackson's long struggle with the Bank and its friends in Congress, this measure closed a chapter in the political history of the era. To the conservative Jacksonians, “victory over the Bank of the United States was a consummation” that freed the state banks and business enterprise from the control of a powerful and despised institution. To the radical, hard-money faction of the Democratic party, however, “removal of the deposits” (as the order was popularly termed) was merely a first step toward more fundamental reform—elimination of the monetary disturbances that they attributed to reliance on bank paper for the currency of the country. Because of this divergence of views, partisan and factional disputes over Jacksonian financial policy did not cease with victory over the Bank. Central to the continuing debate was the relationship of die Treasury Department to the group of state-chartered banks, usually called the “pet banks,” in which Federal funds were deposited after September 1833. My purpose here is to review Treasury operations in die period 1833–1841, to suggest the political role of die pet banks and the economic impact of financial policy in die administrations of Jackson and Van Buren.

scholarly journals Det muslimske brorskap i Egypten

1983 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Olaf Blichfeldt
Keyword(s):  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Tradition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Basic Approaches ◽  
The One ◽  
Activist Groups

When, after the first World War, the Association of Muslim Brothers was formed, it soon established itself as the largest movement among the political Islamic groups in the country. Hasan al-Banna, originally a teacher, founded the Association in Ismailia as a religious society in 1928. In 1939, however, the Brotherhood came to be a political organization, and began to participate in various political campaigns. Having as one of their main tenets that everything foreign to the recognized teachings of Islam ought to be abandoned, the brothers fought the British role in Egypt as well as the Jewish settlements in Palestine. Up to the revolution of the 23rd of July, 1952, their political activity increased considerably, conspiring at the same time with both the regime and its opponents. In 1954 the new government decided to dissolve the Brotherhood, and during the next twenty years, they were intensively harassed and out in jail. From the mid-seventies the Brothers began to be released and were even permitted to resume their activities as a religious society.’Both during the time of Hasan al-Banna and in recent years the political confrontation between the Brotherhood and the regime has frequently been characterized by a well-founded literary propagandism. That is, various kinds of books, magazines and pamphlets which in a politically exaggerated form either defend the existing regime or oppose it. As to the former, it is – in addition to the more ordinary presentation of the government’s political positions and future plans – very much occupied with defining the concept of practical Islam by emphasizing its cultural achievements of the past while at the same time limiting its present role to be basically individual and spiritual. Reversibly, the opposition literature is agitating by means of claiming various political implementation of Islam. It has two basic approaches. There is the more direct mode where arguments of rejection, mocking and damnation are propagated by comparing the day-to-day political events with ideal Islam. Then there is the more indirect kind, which compares the contemporary situation with the hardship and suppression which, according to the Islamic Tradition, are one of the signs that the final battle against evil accompanied by the Last Judgement, is immanent.More significant, however, is the fact that this trend of spreading agitative literature seems to indicate the kind of adapted political profilation which the Muslim Brotherhood has sought to establish, defining itself both as a legitimate and oppositional movement between the government on the one side, and the remaining activist groups, such as Takfir al-hidjra, on the other. 

scholarly journals Minimalisasi Ruang Intervensi Kekuatan Bisnis Retail Indomaret terhadap Pembangunan Desa Arjowilangun, Kabupaten Malang, Jawa Timur

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 258
Author(s):  
Ira Permata Sari
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Qualitative Research Study ◽  
Retail Business ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Study Intervention ◽  
The Village

<p>Intervention of market forces, such as Indomaret retail business, becomes a mainstream and given space as a major force by the government in development in Indonesia. In practice, various government policies places intervention of market forces as driving actors for the political, economic, social, and cultural transformation. Using the case of Indomaret's rejection in Arjowilangun Village, Malang Regency in 2015 and using qualitative research study, this paper explains how villagers do not give space for market in the village development process. From this study, intervention of market forces that had been the mainstream of government policy in development is not placed by villagers as the only force able to carry out development in the village. This situation is due to the collision between market forces that come from outside with the economic power of the villagers that not only change the economy, society, and culture of the village, but also influence the political transformation of the village. Thus, when market forces tried to intervene village development, they have to face the major force of the village that have been built slowly since the village experienced economic slump in the 1970s. <br /><br /></p>

scholarly journals Comments to the article “The political role of the State in Cambridge theories of growth and distribution”

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-214
Author(s):  
JOÃO GABRIEL DE ARAUJO OLIVEIRA ◽  
RENATO NOZAKI SUGAHARA ◽  
JOANILIO RODOLPHO TEIXEIRA
Keyword(s):  
Income Distribution ◽  
Dynamic Equilibrium ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Essential Nature ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability

ABSTRACT This comment came to refute and correct the idea of Charles (2007) about the negatively implications in the income distribution when the government expand the consumption in favour to households. We prove that the political choice, to both cases (increasing consumption or increasing profit), impact positively the income distribution and does not affect the essential nature of the Kaldor neo-Pasinetti dynamic equilibrium results and the “Cambridge Equation”. The stability of the model is guarantee by applying the Olech’s Theorem to the case.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document