Black and White Women's Attitudes toward Interracial Marriage

1991 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 753-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela S. Paset ◽  
Ronald D. Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Interracial Marriage ◽  
The Other ◽  
Research Needs ◽  
Response Scale ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Black And White

50 white women and 50 black women, US citizens between the ages 18 and 23 years, were asked to rate their attitudes about interracial marriage on a 10-point response scale. The white women were somewhat more favorable, if not significantly so, than the black women about men and women of their race marrying persons of another race. However, scorers at the extremes of the scale were significantly different. The white women tended to cluster at the scale extreme favoring interracial marriage, whereas the black women tended to cluster at the other unfavorable extreme. Implications and research needs are discussed.

Abstract P115: Race, Sex, and Geographical Variation in Perceived Racial Discrimination: The Coronary Artery Risk Development in YoungAdults (CARDIA) Study

Circulation ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 137 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ganga S Bey ◽  
Sharina D Person ◽  
Catarina I Kiefe
Keyword(s):  
Cardiovascular Disease ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
The Other ◽  
Geographical Differences ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Perceived Racial Discrimination

Introduction: Variation in exposure to discrimination has been proposed as a contributor to disparities in cardiovascular disease (CVD) among black and white women and men in the U.S. Yet, evidence is conflicting, perhaps due to insufficiently studied race-sex and geographical differences in the pathogenicity of discrimination. We hypothesized that the prevalence of perceived racial discrimination in a variety of settings differs by race, sex, and geographic location. Methods: We used data from CARDIA, a population-based cohort of black and white adults recruited in Birmingham, AL; Chicago, IL; Minneapolis, MN, and Oakland, CA in 1985-6 (year 0). Racial discrimination perceived in several scenarios was assessed using the Lifetime Discrimination Scale at years 7, 15, and 20 (2005-6). We assessed the prevalence at each of these exams and in each scenario, stratified by race-sex group. Results: Prevalence of reported discrimination did not differ markedly over time; we report on year 7 only (n=4,025, figure), with qualitatively similar findings at the other years. Reported discrimination in ≥2 scenarios ranged from 52% in Birmingham to 70% in Minneapolis among black women; among black men, from 65% in Birmingham and 75% in Minneapolis and Oakland. This prevalence was <20% among white women and men in every city. Within all groups, discrimination on the street or in a public setting was most prevalent (p<0.001) and least prevalent in receiving medical care (p<0.001). The proportion of black men reporting discrimination by the police or courts was substantially greater than the other three race-sex groups in each of the four cities (all p<0.001). Conclusions: We found variation in the prevalence of reported racial discrimination across race, sex, and geography. Differences in the experience of discrimination may lead to differences in the health-damaging effects of exposure and partially explain inconsistencies in the evidence of discrimination as a cause of disparities in cardiovascular disease between black and white women and men.

Geographical disparities of incidence and prevalence of triple-negative breast cancers: Multistate study data analysis.

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. e12599-e12599
Author(s):  
Hyein Jeon ◽  
Myeong Lee ◽  
Mohammed Jaloudi
Keyword(s):  
Breast Cancer ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Significant Relationship ◽  
White Women ◽  
Triple Negative ◽  
The State ◽  
Luminal A ◽  
Black Females ◽  
Black And White ◽  
State Effect

e12599 Background: Higher prevalence of triple negative breast cancer (TNBC) in black women with associated poor outcomes due to various disparities is well documented within a single state. We examine multiple states to better understand the state effect on such differences in incidence and prevalence of TNBC in black women. Methods: Female patients of ages 19 years old and above with breast cancer from the Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER) Program across 13 states (608 counties) from 2015 (n = 66,444) and 2016 (n = 66,122) were examined. The relationships between the proportion of black and white women and the rate of patients with different tumor subtypes (luminal A, luminal B, HR-HER2+, and triple negative) were examined at the county level using ordinary least-square regression models. In parallel, due to consideration of various state-specific healthcare policies, socio-cultural norms, and socio-economic disparities, multi-level regression models were applied to examine the nested, random effect of each state on TNBC prevalence in each county. Bonferroni correction was applied to reduce the Type I error caused by repeated use of the same variables in multiple tests. Results: The baseline breast cancer rates between black and white women were similar in the population (0.171% for black and 0.168% for white). Consistent to previous studies, we demonstrate a significant positive correlation (p < 0.001) in TNBC in black females in both years. Surprisingly, when accounted for the random effects on states, 38.2% (2015) and 34.3% (2016) increase in incidence of TNBC in black females were seen, suggestive of state-specific disparity affecting race-specific health. In 2015, other subtypes of breast cancer in both black and white females did not result in significant relationship. Interestingly, in 2016, there was a significant relationship seen between the TNBC rate in white females and the white female population rate only after adjusting for the state effect (p = 0.026). This indicates the impact of non-biological factors such as state-wide health policies. Additionally, HR-HER2+ black females had a significant relationship against respective population rate only after adjusting for the state effect as well (p = 0.0394). For luminal A white females, a 15% decrease in incidence was seen after adjusting for state effect (p = 0.0424). Conclusions: This is the first known across-state examination of breast cancer subtypes by race with random effects on state. This study shows the role of state-specific factors affecting incidence in black and white females and potentially indicates the importance of state-level management for breast cancer on health disparities in addition to race-driven effects. Further studies are needed to elucidate comparable differences between states affecting the rates of various subtypes of breast cancer and thus health outcomes.

Abstract MP008: Racial Differences in Total, Free, and Bioavailable 25(OH)D and PTH Levels and CVD Risk Among Postmenopausal Women

Circulation ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 135 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xi Zhang ◽  
Wanzhu Tu ◽  
Lesley Tinker ◽  
JoAnn E Manson ◽  
Simin Liu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Vitamin D ◽  
Cohort Study ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Postmenopausal Women ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
White Women ◽  
Sitting Time ◽  
Cvd Risk ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Circulating Levels

Background: Recent evidence suggests that racial differences in circulating levels of free or bioavailable 25(OH)D rather than total 25(OH)D may explain the apparent racial disparities in cardiovascular disease(CVD).However, few prospective studies have directly tested this hypothesis. Objective: Our study prospectively examined black white differences in the associations of total, free, and bioavailable 25(OH)D, vitamin D binding protein (VDBP), and parathyroid hormone (PTH) levels at baseline with incident CVD in a large, multi-ethnic, geographically diverse cohort of postmenopausal women. Method: We conducted a case-cohort study among 79,705 black and non-Hispanic white postmenopausal women aged 50 to 79 years and free of CVD at baseline in the Women’s Health Initiative Observational Study (WHI-OS). We included a randomly chosen subcohort of 1,300 black and 1,500 white noncases at baseline and a total of 550 black and 1,500 white women who developed incident CVD during the follow up. We directly measured circulating levels of total 25(OH)D, VDBP (monoclonal antibody assay), albumin, and PTH and calculated free and bioavailable vitamin D levels. Weighted Cox proportional hazards models were used while adjusting for known CVD risk factors. Results: At baseline, white women had higher mean levels of total 25(OH)D and VDBP and lower mean levels of free and bioavailable 25(OH)D and PTH than black women (all P values < 0.0001). White cases had lower levels of total 25(OH)D and VDBP and higher levels of PTH than white noncases, while black cases had higher levels of PTH than black noncases (all P values < 0.05). There was a trend toward an increased CVD risk associated with low total 25(OH)D and VDBP levels or elevated PTH levels in both US black and white women. In the multivariable analyses, the total, free, and bioavailable 25(OH)D, and VDBP were not significantly associated with CVD risk in black or white women. A statistically significant association between higher PTH levels and increased CVD risk persisted in white women, however. The multivariate-adjusted hazard ratios [HRs] comparing the extreme quartiles of PTH were 1.37 (95% CI: 1.06-1.77; P-trend=0.02) for white women and 1.12 (95% CI: 0.79-1.58; P-trend=0.37) for black women. This positive association among white women was also independent of total, free, and bioavailable 25(OH)D or VDBP. There were no significant interactions with other pre-specified factors, including BMI, season of blood draw, sunlight exposure, recreational physical activity, sitting time, or renal function. Interpretation: Findings from a large multiethnic case-cohort study of US black and white postmenopausal women do not support the notion that circulating levels of vitamin D biomarkers may explain black-white disparities in CVD but indicate that PTH excess may be an independent risk factor for CVD in white women.

New Women, New South

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Cardon
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Public Space ◽  
White Women ◽  
New South ◽  
The Other ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Southern Women ◽  
New Women ◽  
The New Woman ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Chapter 3 surveys the role women played at the Atlanta and Nashville fairs. The Cotton States and Tennessee Centennial transformed the gendered nature of public space in the South. Within their controlled and ordered boundaries, southern white women were set free from male chaperones and traditional constraints. At the fairs’ Woman’s Buildings, southern white women embraced the New Woman, while simultaneously celebrating the mythic role played by southern women in the domestic culture of the region. This chapter also explores African American women’s presence at the fairs. Southern black women created a shadow Woman’s Board and invited prominent black female speakers to the expositions. On the other end of the spectrum, black women worked in the fairs’ nurseries and kitchens. The expositions provided an opportunity for black women to speak for themselves, while constraining them in the popular stereotypes of the late nineteenth century.

The Natural Hair Bias in Job Recruitment

2020 ◽  
pp. 194855062093793
Author(s):  
Christy Zhou Koval ◽  
Ashleigh Shelby Rosette
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Labor Market ◽  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Job Applicants ◽  
White Female ◽  
Job Interview ◽  
Natural Hair ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Job Recruitment

Across four studies, we demonstrate a bias against Black women with natural hairstyles in job recruitment. In Study 1, participants evaluated profiles of Black and White female job applicants across a variety of hairstyles. We found that Black women with natural hairstyles were perceived to be less professional, less competent, and less likely to be recommended for a job interview than Black women with straightened hairstyles and White women with either curly or straight hairstyles. We replicated these findings in a controlled experiment in Study 2. In Study 3A and 3B, we found Black women with natural hairstyles received more negative evaluations when they applied for a job in an industry with strong dress norms. Taken together, this article advances the research on biases in the labor market in the age of social media use and highlights the importance of taking an intersectional approach when studying inequity in the workplace.

scholarly journals Cardiovascular Health Score and Lifetime Risk of Cardiovascular Disease

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Bundy ◽  
Hongyan Ning ◽  
Victor W. Zhong ◽  
Amanda E. Paluch ◽  
Donald M. Lloyd-Jones ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Cardiovascular Disease ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
Cardiovascular Health ◽  
United States Public Health ◽  
The United States ◽  
Lifetime Risk ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Risk Of Death

Background: Long-term risks of cardiovascular disease (CVD) according to levels of cardiovascular health (CVH) have not been characterized in a diverse, representative population. Methods and Results: We pooled individual-level data from 30 447 participants (mean [SD] age, 55.0 [13.9] years; 60.6% women; 31.8% black) from 7 US cohort studies. We defined CVH based on levels of 7 American Heart Association health metrics, scored as ideal (2 points), intermediate (1 point), or poor (0 points). The total CVH score was used to quantify overall CVH as high (12–14 points), moderate (9–11 points), or low (0–8 points). We used a modified Kaplan-Meier analysis, accounting for the competing risk of death, to estimate the lifetime risk of CVD (composite of incident myocardial infarction, stroke, heart failure, or CVD death) separately in white and black men and women free of CVD at index ages of <40, 40 to 59, and ≥60 years. High CVH was more prevalent among women compared with men, white compared with black participants, and in younger compared with older participants. During 538 477 person-years of follow-up, we observed 6546 CVD events. In women aged 40 to 59 years, those with high CVH had lower lifetime risk (95% CI) of CVD (white women, 12.6% [2.6%–22.6%]; black women, 0.0%) compared with moderate (white women, 16.6% [13.0%–20.2%]; black women, 12.7% [6.8%–18.5%]) and low (white women, 33.8% [30.6%–37.1%]; black women, 34.7% [30.4%–39.0%]) CVH strata. Patterns were similar for men and individuals <40 and ≥60 years of age. Conclusions: Higher baseline CVH at all ages in adulthood is associated with substantially lower lifetime risk for CVD compared with moderate and low CVH, in white and black men and women in the United States. Public health and healthcare efforts aimed at maintaining and restoring higher CVH throughout the life course could provide substantial benefits for the population burden of CVD.

scholarly journals Black-White Differences in Pregnancy Desire During the Transition to Adulthood

Demography ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 603-630
Author(s):  
Jennifer S. Barber ◽  
Karen Benjamin Guzzo ◽  
Jamie Budnick ◽  
Yasamin Kusunoki ◽  
Sarah R. Hayford ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Transition To Adulthood ◽  
Young Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Race Differences ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Future Pregnancy ◽  
In Pregnancy

Abstract This article explores race differences in the desire to avoid pregnancy or become pregnant using survey data from a random sample of 914 young women (ages 18–22) living in a Michigan county and semi-structured interviews with a subsample of 60 of the women. In the survey data, desire for pregnancy, indifference, and ambivalence are very rare but are more prevalent among Black women than White women. In the semi-structured interviews, although few women described fatalistic beliefs or lack of planning for future pregnancies, Black and White women did so equally often. Women more often described fatalistic beliefs and lack of planning when retrospectively describing their past than when prospectively describing their future. Using the survey data to compare prospective desires for a future pregnancy with women's recollections of those desires after they conceived, more Black women shifted positive than shifted negative, and Black women were more likely to shift positive than White women—that is, Black women do not differentially retrospectively overreport prospectively desired pregnancies as having been undesired before conception. Young women's consistent (over repeated interviews) prospective expression of strong desire to avoid pregnancy and correspondingly weak desire for pregnancy, along with the similarity of Black and White women's pregnancy plans, lead us to conclude that a “planning paradigm”—in which young women are encouraged and supported in implementing their pregnancy desires—is probably appropriate for the vast majority of young women and, most importantly, is similarly appropriate for Black and White young women.

scholarly journals Identity and the Legislative Decision Making Process: A Case Study of the Maryland State Legislature

2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Brown
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Black Women ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women Legislators ◽  
Men I

Both politicians and the mass public believe that identity influences political behavior yet, political scientists have failed to fully detail how identity is salient for all political actors not just minorities and women legislators. To what extent do racial, gendered, and race/gendered identities affect the legislation decision process? To test this proposition, I examine how race and gender based identities shape the legislative decisions of Black women in comparison to White men, White women, and Black men. I find that Black men and women legislators interviewed believe that racial identity is relevant in their decision making processes, while White men and women members of the Maryland state legislature had difficulty deciding whether their identities mattered and had even more trouble articulating how or why they did. African American women legislators in Maryland articulate or describe an intersectional identity as a meaningful and significant component of their work as representatives. More specifically, Black women legislators use their identity to interpret legislation differently due to their race/gender identities.

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