Thailand's Relapse: The Implications of the May 2014 Coup

2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti

On May 20, 2014, the Royal Army imposed martial law on Thailand, with the declared purpose of restoring peace to the people. Allegedly, the military intervened to put an end to seven months of political turmoil that had begun when the PDRC—the English acronym for the Thai People's Committee for Absolute Democracy with the King as Head of State—occupied key street intersections and government offices in Bangkok. The conservative mobilization had demanded the deposition of elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and the complete dismissal of “the Thaksin system”—a network that had dominated electoral politics in the previous thirteen years, in the PDRC's view through corruption and vote-buying. To fight this injustice, the PDRC had called for deep constitutional reforms before the next elections could be held.

Asian Survey ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Martinez Kuhonta

Abstract Thailand's adoption of a new constitution in 1997 was meant to advance far-reaching reforms in the country's democratic development. A decade later, it is clear that these constitutional reforms failed. The Constitution unintentionally consolidated Prime Minister Thaksin's grip on power and indirectly precipitated the conditions for the 2006 coup. This article argues that the drafters' search for a more stable democratic government helped produce an electoral authoritarian regime that triggered the military to intervene.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.


Author(s):  
Mina Roces

During the martial law era (1972-1986), the militant nuns were the most visible symbols of political activism: they dominated the Task Force Detainees, they were active in the underground press, and were present in the labour strikes and demonstrations. But, in becoming political activists, they discovered the potential of moral power as women religious figures. During the People Power revolution, for example, the nuns – armed only with rosaries, confronted the military (the supreme example of machismo politics) and triumphed. In the process of attacking political oppression, these nuns also began to challenge cultural constructions of the feminine – becoming the first overt feminists to do so in Philippine history. This paper explores how martial law transformed these women into militant activists and feminists. Although driven by their struggle to protect the victims of martial law, they also succeeded in empowering themselves. This new ‘moral power’ has since been harnessed for women’s issues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Bayu Mitra A. Kusuma ◽  
Theresia Octastefani

Muslim communities in Southern Thailand have experienced in discrimination among in economic, social, and politics. This condition has even occurred in the last seven decades under King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who was known   to be wise king. Basically, King Bhumibol as the head of state always stated that social welfare approace is the best way to solve the problem, but almost every Thai Prime Minister as the head of government unfortunately always uses a militaristic approach that triggers social resistance. Since King Bhumibol died, Thailand has faced with the potential crisis for two reasons. First, Maha Vajiralongkorn as a successor, he is considered have different charisma with his father because he is very glamorous and have controversial lifestyle. Secondly, the absence of King Bhumibol, who has been a counterweight to the state made the Thai military more often coups. This conditions give impact to Muslim communities in the South who always live with uncertainty condition with two possibilities. First, Muslim communities have a better life under the new monarchy regime with social welfare and humanity approaches. Secondly, the condition of the Muslim communities will remains stagnant under the controversial king with continued by martial law.


Author(s):  
Aybala TAALAYBEK KIZI

Özet: Hükümet sistemlerinin sınıflandırılmasında kullanılan başlıca ölçüt, yasama ve yürütmenin birbirleri ile olan ilişkisidir. Gayet bu kuvvetler katı bir biçimde birbirlerinden ayrılıyorlarsa başkanlık sisteminden, yumuşak biçimde ayrılıyorlarsa parlamenter sistemden söz edilir. Fransa bir Yarı-Başkanlık Hükümet sistemin örneğidir. Hükümet parlamentodan doğmaz ama parlamento hükümeti görevden alabilir. Bazı yazarlar Fransız politik sistemini “süper başkanlık sistemi” olarak tanımlar. Cumhurbaşkanı, başkanlık sistemindeki başbakandan daha çok yetkiye sahiptir. Halk tarafından seçilen ve önemli yetkileri haiz bir başkan ile parlamentoya bağımlı bir başbakandan oluşan ve genellikle "yan-başkanlık" (semi-presidential) ya da son dönemde ortaya atılan yeni bir formülasyonla "başbakanlı-başkanlık" denilir. Anahtar kelimeler: Hükümet sistem, Fransa, Yarı-Başkanlık, Cumhurbaşkan, Anayasa, Yürütme, Yasama, Parlamento, Senato, Başkanlık. Abstract: The main criterion used in the classification of government systems is the relationship between legislative and executive. It is quite possible to talk about the presidential system if these forces are strictly separated, and It is the parliamentary system if they are separated softly between each other. France is an example of a Semi- Presidential Government system. The government is not powered by parliament, but parliament can dismiss the government in the same time. Some authors define the French political system as a "super presidential system." The president has more powers than the prime minister in the presidential system. A "semi-presidential" government system usually composed of a chairman elected by the people and having a significant mandate and a prime minister dependent on parliament. Key words: Government , France, Semi-Presidency, President, Constitution, Executive, Legislative, Parliament, Senate, Presidency. Аннотация: Мамлекеттик системасынын жашыруун үчүн пайдаланылуучу негизги критерийи мыйзам чыгаруу жана аткаруу бутактарынын ортосундагы байланыш болуп саналат. Эгерде укуктары так бөлүнгөн болсо президенттик башкаруу системасы, ал эми бул ыйгарым укуктарына жумшак бөлүү таандык болгон учурда президенттик башкаруу системасын тууралуу сөз кылуу мүмкүн эмес. Франция бир аралаш башкаруу системасынын бир мисалы болуп саналат. Өкмөт ыйгарым укуктарын парламент тарабынан албайт, бирок парламент өкмөттү таркатууга укугу бар болот. Айрым изилдөөчүүлөрдүн ою бойунча Француз башкаруу системасында өкмөт башчысы президенттик башкаруу системасында премьер-министрдин укутарына карагандан көп ыйгарым укуктарга ээ болот, Түйүндүү сөздөр: Мамлекеттик Башкаруу Системасы, Франция, Аралаш Башкаруу Система, Президент, Конституция, Аткаруу бийлиги, Мыйзам чыгаруу Билиги, Парламент, Сенат, Президенттик республика.


Unconditional ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 3-37
Author(s):  
Marc Gallicchio

This chapter begins the story of this book on the island of Okinawa, Japan, beginning at dawn on April 1, 1945. This point in time sparked the largest concentrated naval bombardment ever to cover a landing. The chapter charts the dramatic pace of events that followed during that month and beyond. What happened in Okinawa resulted in a change in leadership in Tokyo, which convinced diplomats in the United States that Japan was signaling its intent to end the war. However, the chapter argues, they were mistaken. With the Americans firmly on Okinawa and a new prime minister leading the country, Japan had reached a turning point yet was refusing to turn. Instead, the country continued its fatal path toward the end. The military continued to urge the people to endure sacrifice until they were, hopefully, to be rescued. However, as we now know, this was the beginning of the end.


Subject Political, economic and diplomatic outlook. Significance The military-led government on November 4 approved 1.3 billion dollars in subsidies to rice and rubber farmers to placate rural Thais loyal to the Pheu Thai Party (PTP) and to deposed Prime Ministers Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra. On the other hand, Prime Minister General Prayuth Chan-ocha pre-empted protests in support of Yingluck on November 1 by invoking Article 44 of the martial law constitution, which gives the junta extraordinary powers. Impacts Bangkok's diplomatic role in ASEAN will continue to diminish. Thailand's entry into the TPP before mid-2017 is highly unlikely. The junta's cyber surveillance risks reputational pitfalls for global tech majors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
T. Jack Thompson

Superficially there are many parallels between the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 in Nyasaland and the Easter Rising of 1916 in Ireland – both were anti-colonial rebellions against British rule. One interesting difference, however, occurs in the way academics have treated John Chilembwe, leader of the Nyasaland Rising, and Patrick Pearse, one of the leaders of the Irish Rising and the man who was proclaimed head of state of the Provisional government of Ireland. For while much research on Pearse has dealt with his religious ideas, comparatively little on Chilembwe has looked in detail at his religious motivation – even though he was the leader of an independent church. This paper begins by looking at some of the major strands in the religious thinking of Pearse, before going on to concentrate on the people and ideas which influenced Chilembwe both in Nyasaland and the United States. It argues that while many of these ideas were initially influenced by radical evangelical thought in the area of racial injustice, Chilembwe's thinking in the months immediately preceding his rebellion became increasingly obsessed by the possibility that the End Time prophecies of the Book of Daniel might apply to the current political position in Nyasaland. The conclusion is that much more academic attention needs to be given to the millennial aspects of Chilembwe's thinking as a contributory motivation for rebellion.


Author(s):  
Matthew Rendle

This book provides the first detailed account of the role of revolutionary justice in the early Soviet state. Law has often been dismissed by historians as either unimportant after the October Revolution amid the violence and chaos of civil war or even, in the absence of written codes and independent judges, little more than another means of violence. This is particularly true of the most revolutionary aspect of the new justice system, revolutionary tribunals—courts inspired by the French Revolution and established to target counter-revolutionary enemies. This book paints a more complex picture. The Bolsheviks invested a great deal of effort and scarce resources into building an extensive system of tribunals that spread across the country, including into the military and the transport network. At their peak, hundreds of tribunals heard hundreds of thousands of cases every year. Not all ended in harsh sentences: some were dismissed through lack of evidence; others given a wide range of sentences; others still suspended sentences; and instances of early release and amnesty were common. This book, therefore, argues that law played a distinct and multifaceted role for the Bolsheviks. Tribunals stood at the intersection between law and violence, offering various advantages to the Bolsheviks, not least strengthening state control, providing a more effective means of educating the population on counter-revolution, and enabling a more flexible approach to the state’s enemies. All of this adds to our understanding of the early Soviet state and, ultimately, of how the Bolsheviks held on to power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ujma

Abstract An analysis of the relationship between Jan III Sobieski and the people he distinguished shows that there were many mutual benefits. Social promotion was more difficult if the candidate for the office did not come from a senatorial family34. It can be assumed that, especially in the case of Atanazy Walenty Miączyński, the economic activity in the Sobieski family was conducive to career development. However, the function of the plenipotentiary was not a necessary condition for this. Not all the people distinguished by Jan III Sobieski achieved the same. More important offices were entrusted primarily to Marek Matczyński. Stanisław Zygmunt Druszkiewicz’s career was definitely less brilliant. Druszkiewicz joined the group of senators thanks to Jan III, and Matczyński and Szczuka received ministerial offices only during the reign of Sobieski. Jan III certainly counted on the ability to manage a team of people acquired by his comrades-in-arms in the course of his military service. However, their other advantage was also important - good orientation in political matters and exerting an appropriate influence on the nobility. The economic basis of the magnate’s power is an issue that requires more extensive research. This issue was primarily of interest to historians dealing with latifundia in the 18th century. This was mainly due to the source material. Latifundial documentation was kept much more regularly in the 18th century than before and is well-organized. The economic activity of the magnate was related not only to the internal organization of landed estates. It cannot be separated from the military, because the goal of the magnate’s life was politics and, very often, also war. Despite its autonomy, the latifundium wasn’t isolated. Despite the existence of the decentralization process of the state, the magnate families remained in contact with the weakening center of the state and influenced changes in its social structure. The actual strength of the magnate family was determined not only by the area of land goods, but above all by their profitability, which depended on several factors: geographic location and natural conditions, the current situation on the economic market, and the management method adopted by the magnate. In the 17th century, crisis phenomena, visible in demography, agricultural and crafts production, money and trade, intensified. In these realities, attempts by Jan III Sobieski to reconstruct the lands destroyed by the war and to introduce military rigor in the management center did not bring the expected results. Sobieski, however, introduced “new people” to the group of senators, who implemented his policy at the sejmiks and the Parliament, participated in military expeditions and managed his property.


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