Unofficial contentions: The postcoloniality of Straits Chinese political discourse in the Straits Settlements Legislative Council

2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel P.S. Goh
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Community ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
British Rule

This paper reads the debates of the Straits Settlements Legislative Council to trace the political contentions over policies affecting the Chinese community in Malaya. These contentions brought the Straits Chinese unofficials to engage the racial ambivalence of British rule in Malaya, in which the Straits Chinese was located as both a liberal subject and an object of colonial difference. Contrary to conventional historiography which portrays Straits Chinese political identity as one of conservative loyalty to the Empire, I show that the Straits Chinese developed multiple and hybrid political identities that were postcolonial in character, which would later influence the politics of decolonisation and nation-building after the war.

scholarly journals Language, Social Media and Political Identity (Re)presentation: A New Theoretical Framework for the Analysis of Social Media Political Discourse

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Farhat Sajjad ◽  
Mehwish Malghnai ◽  
Durdana Khosa
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
New Media ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
Political Ideologies

As language is central to all social processes and practices, so it is considered as the most effective tool for (re)shaping and (re)constructing the social realities and political identities as they are negotiated, (re)constructed and thus projected in the broader social and cultural contexts. Since the advent of new media technologies, particularly social media, the forms and modes of political identity construction and (re)presentations are also transformed. As debated earlier that language enables its users, specifically political actors, to exhibit the political ideologies and identities effectively, so the political actors frequently exploit these platforms to achieve their pre-defined political agendas. Within the same context the political rhetoric, specifically the ones that is generated and exhibited on social media network sites, offers a new visibility for the researchers to explore and predict how ideologies and perceptions can be achieved, advocated, altered and rebuilt through discursive discourse strategies on these networking sites. Providing the power of social media for political participation, political engagement and political activism, there is a need to design such framework that can offer a different lens for the analysis of critical yet sensitive issue of political identity (re)presentation beyond the textual level. To address the above debated issue a new theoretical framework is presented in this paper that enables to analyse the text with special reference to the context in which the political identities are negotiated, (re)constructed and (re)presented. This framework is designed by collaborating the approaches of CDA, Political Identity theory, Social Media theory and Political Discourse theory that enables to explore the interrelationship between the “language in use” and the context in which it is created and consumed. 

Family as a framing resource for political identity construction: Introduction sequences in presidential primary debates

2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Sclafani
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Presidential Debates ◽  
Family Identity ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Presidential Primary ◽  
Family Discourse ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Family Identities

AbstractThis study investigates the construction of political identity in the 2011–2012 US Republican presidential primary debates. Focusing on candidates’ self-introductions, I analyze how candidates use references to family members and roles to frame their political identities or ‘presidential selves’. Family references are shown to (i) frame candidates’ personal identities as family men/women; (ii) interweave the spheres of home and politics and consequently, their private and public selves; (iii) serve as a tool of discursive one-upmanship in self-introduction sequences; and (iv) demonstrate intimate familiarity and expertise on the topic of national security. This study extends research on family discourse and identity by examining the rhetorical function of mentioning family-related identities in explicitly persuasive public discourse, and contributes to sociolinguistic research on political discourse by examining how family identities serve as a resource for framing political identities. (Discourse analysis, framing, family, identity, political discourse, presidential debates, sequentiality)

Turkish Youth’s (Re)Construction of their Political Identity in Social Media, before “Resistanbul”

2014 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tüge T. Gülşen
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Young People ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Environments ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
High Sense

This chapter explores the political potential of social media widely used as a means of communication by Turkish young people and examines how they perceive social media as alternative social environments, where they can manifest their political identities. In addition, the study conducted aims at understanding whether the political situation in Turkey before the “Resistanbul” events, beginning toward the end of May 2013, created fear among young people that could cause them to hesitate to express their political thoughts or feel the need to veil their political identities. The results of the survey reveals that Turkish young people, despite having a high sense of freedom, tend to be politically disengaged in social media, and they seem to be hesitant to reveal their political identities in this alternative democratic social space, but they do not mind “others” manifesting their political identities.

scholarly journals Post-Soviet Revolutions and Post-Revolution Discourses: Explaining the Construction of Political Identities in Post-Rose Revolution Georgia and Post-Velvet Revolution Armenia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Identity Construction ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
The Core ◽  
Velvet Revolution ◽  
The Eu

The 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia has renewed scholarly interest in post-Soviet revolution studies. This paper explores the core narratives underlying post-Rose Revolution and post-Velvet Revolution identity construction in Georgian and Armenian political discourses. More specifically, it examines the core narratives employed by the Georgian and Armenian revolution leaders Mikheil Saakashvili and Nikol Pashinyan in constructing the political identities of “New Georgia” and “New Armenia.” The findings suggest that the core narratives dominating Saakashvili’s discourse on post-revolution Georgia are as follows: “democratic Georgia” and “laboratory of democratic reforms,” “stereotype breaker,” “European Georgia,” “peaceful Georgia,” “powerful Georgia” and “security contributor,” determined to homecoming to Europe. Pashinyan’s discourse has revolved around the notion of “proud Armenians,” who established “people’s government” capable of carrying out an “economic revolution.” In contrast to Saakashvili’s emphasis on escaping post-Soviet geopolitical space and gaining centrality in the EU-driven socio-political order, Pashinyan’s discourse does not suggest foreign policy U-turns. It concludes that while the 2003 “Rose Revolution” marked fundamental shifts in self-other conceptions within the Georgian political discourse, the post-revolution Armenian discourse has not experienced dramatic identity-driven transformations.

The Two Princes

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Groppo
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Discourse Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Structural Context ◽  
Differential Character ◽  
Political Imaginary

This book is a comparative study of the political emergence of Perón in Argentina and Vargas in Brazil. it seeks to describe and explain how and why peronism and Varguism were two different political projects. Using the tools of political discourse theory, this book scrutinises the implications Perón and Vargas had for the formation of the political identities of the socio-political actors in both countries. the book shows to what extent the differential character of the process of formation of political identities had to do both with the structural context in which Vargas and Perón developed their strategy as well as with the specific ways in which both leaders intervened in the political formation. In this sense, the research stresses the specific discursive and institutional modes of intervention that characterised these two leaders’ projects and their role in the political imaginary they inaugurated. It does so by tracing the responses to Perón and Vargas by different socio-political actors and the polemic context in which those responses took place.

Geographic Insights Into Political Identity

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Gilbert ◽  
Connie Yang
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Geographical Research ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Push Forward ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Global Identities ◽  
The University

Moving away from the conventional geopolitical analyses of territory, states, and nations, geographical research is now focused on the ways that political identities are constituted in and through spaces and places at various sites and scales. Many geographers attend to how power gets articulated, who gets marginalized, and what this means for social justice. Poststructuralist theory problematized the fundamental premise that the literal subject is resolutely individual, autonomous, transparent, and all knowing. Feminist and critical race scholars have also insisted that the self is socially embedded and intersubjective, but also that research needs to be embodied. There are four prominent and inherently political themes of analysis in contemporary geographical research that resonate with contemporary events: nation states and nationalism; mobility and global identities; citizenship and the public sphere; and war and security. Geographers have critically examined the production and reproduction of national identity, especially salient with the rise of authoritarianism. Geographers have also focused on the contemporary transnationalization of political identity as the mobility of people across borders becomes more intensive and extensive because of globalization. Consequently, globalization and global mobility have raised important questions around citizenship and belonging. Rethinking war and the political, as well as security, has also become a pressing task of geographers. Meanwhile, there has been a growing attention to the political identities of academics themselves that resonates with a concern about forms of knowledge production. This concern exists alongside a critique of the corporatization of the university. Questions are being raised about whether academics can use their status as scholars to push forward public debate and policy making.

IDEOLOGY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN ALBANIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 2033-2040
Author(s):  
Roland Lami
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government

In this paper, ideological confusion is explained based on the structural-functionalist perspective. Analysis of the phenomenon in question focuses mainly on the interdependence created between the “deeply-social” factors of and political discourse. This analysis is undertaken to better understand the circumstances that condition political parties on representing social categories in different social contexts and on showing the implications of political identity building based on the type of discourse used by the political actors. For this reason, while Almond (1968), Easton (1865), Luhmann (1981) analyze the ideology, they pay attention directly to the way of society structuring, and not as much to the political discourse. According to them, no partial aspect of social life and no isolated phenomenon can be understood unless it is linked with historical integrity and social structure conceived as a general unit. In this study, macro analysis focuses on the identification and treatment of several important indicators in terms of influences in structuring the political identity as important elements even for the empirical testing to the solutions this paper proposes. In this article the political discourse of Democratic Party and Socialist Party is analyzed in three different time periods, 1992 - 1996, 1997 - 2001 and 2002 - 2012. In the first period, on the one hand, the government of the right wing undertook many structural reforms, while on the other hand it does not neglect social assistance for certain groups affected by these reforms. During this period, the Socialist Party is focused more on dealing with itself in terms in order to break with the past than to create a particular profile in an ideological sense - in relation to the opponent. This approach makes political parties differ little from one another. The only difference between them in this period is the discourse: “anticommunism” and “antiberishism”. Democratic Party refers to the origin of Socialist Party to attack it for its relation with the past, while Socialist Party denounces the whole Democratic Party for its leadership qualities. More specifically, each attitude of SP in opposition was labeled as a reminiscence of the former Labour Party, while for the SP every each attitude of the government manifested authoritarian, provincial and tribal tendencies of Berisha.

The debt crisis and Greece's changing political discourse

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-314
Author(s):  
Spyros Plakoudas
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
Mass Hysteria

The debt crisis in Greece since 2010 has triggered seismic changes in the political attitudes of the society and, above all, the political identity and discourse of the country. The extremely unpopular austerity policies caused a severe internal polarization which quickly translated into anti-German mass hysteria, vitriolic anti-EU rhetoric and sharp anti-austerity populism. This paper will endeavour to identify the origins, course and outcome of this dramatic shift in the political attitudes and identity in Greece and analyse them with the benefit of hindsight – almost six years after the eruption of the crisis.

scholarly journals Impact of Social Groups in Political Discourse

2015 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 111-121
Author(s):  
Roland Lami
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Perspective Analysis

In this article, ideological confusion is explained based on the structural-functionalist perspective. Analysis of the phenomenon in question focuses mainly on the interdependence created between the “deeply-social” factors of and political discourse. This analysis is undertaken to better understand the circumstances that condition political parties on representing social categories in different social contexts and on showing the implications of political identity building based on the type of discourse used by the political actors.

scholarly journals The Political Identity of Ulama in the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Election

2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leni Winarni
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Views ◽  
History Of ◽  
Salient Factor ◽  
The Relationship

The Indonesian presidential election of 2014 was possibly the most exciting, lively, intriguing, emotional, and brutish in the history of presidential elections since reformation in 1998. This paper explores the relationship between the political identities of ulama and their political views in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. It  argues that their political endorsement of presidential candidates is not based on interest but on their political identity. By using constructivist ideas about identity, ulama’s political identities are constantly changing and influenced by factors beyond identity. This idea also emphasizes that identity is created and subjective. Transformation of the political identities of ulama is a way of showing their existence in the period since Indonesian independence in 1945. This paper explores how the political identities expressed by ulama influenced voters in the recent presidential election. How did their political identity affect both the kinds of political measures they took and their support for one of the president candidates? Did the ulama play a substantial political role in election of President Joko Widodo, or were there other factors? Is their political identity the salient factor in their support for either Prabowo Subianto or Joko Widodo? <br />[Pemilu presiden tahun 2014 memang sangat menarik, hidup, penuh emosi, bahkan penuh intrik, jika dibandingkan dengan sebelumnya sejak 1998. Paper ini meneliti hubungan politik identitas yang dibawa oleh ulama dan pandangan politiknya pada pemilihan presiden Indonesia tahun 2014. Paper ini menemukan bahwa pandangan mereka tentang calon presiden tidak sertamerta menyangkut kepentingan politik, tetapi lebih pada politik identitas. Politik identitas para ulama terus berubah dan dipengaruhi oleh banyak hal di luar identitas tersebut. Ini juga menegaskan bahwa identitas itu ciptaan dan sekaligus subjektif. Transformasi politik identitas para ulama merupakan cara mereka menampakkan keberadaannya, bahkan sejak masa kemerdekaan 1945. Paper ini meneliti politik identitas yang ditampakkan para ulama yang mempengaruhi para pemilih dalam pemilu presiden. Bagaimana politik identitas itu berpengaruh pada politik dan pilihan serta dukungan presiden? Apakah ulama memainkan sesuatu dalam proses terpilihnya Presiden Joko Widodo, atau adakah faktor lain? Apakah hanya identitas yang menjadi satu-satunya faktor  untuk mendukung Prabowo Subianto atau Joko Widodo?]

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