Reason and Revelation in Luther

1960 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 337-365
Author(s):  
Bernhard Lohse

Luther's conception of reason and revelation has not yet found the attention which it deserves. Though some new studies have tried to interpret his view of human reason, neither his conception of revelation as such nor his definition of the relation between reason and revelation has been the object of special research. This fact which at first sight seems rather surprising is not accidental. Rather it is the consequence of a very important development which had taken place already in the sixteenth century. It was primarily Melanchthon and not Luther whom Protestant theologians in the post-Reformation era followed. While Luther was the reformer of the Church, Melanchthon was the reformer of the German universities and the whole education system. With respect to their theology, Luther and Melanchchon differed considerably as is well known. The ideas by which Melanchthon reformed the German universities were, roughly speaking, a combination of Protestant theology as regards the doctrine of justification and a more or less unaltered Aristotelian system as regards the relation between theology and philosophy. The Melanchthonian reform gave the German universities their shape for centuries till the new ideas of rationalism and of modern science won the universities in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and gave them a new form. But it seems that Melanchthon's conception of reason and revelation is even today of great significance and influence. It has at least determined most modern studies which have dealt with Luther's conception of reason and revelation.

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 601-625 ◽  
Author(s):  
NEIL TARRANT

AbstractIt has long been noted that towards the end of the sixteenth century the Catholic Church began to use its instruments of censorship – the Inquisition and the Index of Forbidden Books – to prosecute magic with increased vigour. These developments are often deemed to have had important consequences for the development of modern science in Italy, for they delimited areas of legitimate investigation of the natural world. Previous accounts of the censorship of magic have tended to suggest that the Church as an institution was opposed to, and sought to eradicate, the practice of magic. I do not seek to contest the fact that ecclesiastical censors prosecuted various magical and divinatory practices with greater enthusiasm at this time, but I suggest that in order to understand this development more fully it is necessary to offer a more complex picture of the Church. In this article I use the case of the Neapolitan magus Giambattista Della Porta to argue that during the course of the century the acceptable boundaries of magical speculation became increasingly clearly defined. Consequently, many practices and techniques that had previously been of contested orthodoxy were categorically defined as heterodox and therefore liable to prosecution and censorship. I argue, however, that this development was not driven by the Church asserting a ‘traditional’ hostility towards magic, but was instead the result of one particular faction within the Church embedding their conception of orthodox philosophical investigation of the natural world within the machinery of censorship.


Author(s):  
Abdul Muhaimin

The problem facing Muslims today is the problem of science, that modern science is no longer value-free (neutral), because it is influenced by religious, cultural and philosophical views. Therefore, Muslims need to Islamize contemporary science by Islamizing linguistic symbols about reality and truth. Meanwhile, in Muhaimin's view "Islamization means to Islamize or purify the science of non-Muslim (western) products. Al-Attas comprehensively conveyed the idea of ​​the Islamization of science through several concepts. Al-Attas's conception starts from the definition of education. Education according to al-Attas is "something which is gradually implanted into humans" this is based on humans as "rational animals" (الحيوان الناطق), because of the determinant rationality of humans, that rational meaning refers to reason. Furthermore, Al-Attas said, education is "seeding and planting manners in a person - this is called ta'dib. Al-Attas then discussed the purpose of education, that the main educational goal was to prepare students to be able to achieve optimal happiness through the achievement of social and economic life success, far more successful than ever achieved by both their parents. In other words education is a tool for socio-economic mobility. The second educational goal emphasizes increasing intellectual, wealth, and mental balance of students. Al-Attas also has a metaphysical and epistemological view. Regarding the metaphysical view, Al-Attas said that there are three sources and methods in Islam, namely: first, the senses of birth and mind, second reason and intuition, and third, authority. While modern western science or science limits its scope only to things that are sensory (sensible / mahsusat) or what can be known by someone, according to western scientists is everything as long as it can be observed sensually. with the liberation of human reason from doubt (syakk), prejudice (zhann), and empty argumentation (mira '), towards the attainment of belief (belief), and truth (haqq) regarding spiritual realities, reasoning, and materialities.


1975 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
W. B. Patterson

Like most other rulers of his time, king Henry IV of France wished to see a single religion practised within his realm. But in the late sixteenth century, as is well known, the state of France was such as to make this objective singularly difficult to achieve. The protestants, of whom Henry had been until his accession the political leader, were a sturdy minority, with a well-developed system of church courts for the definition of doctrine and the administration of discipline. The catholics, who adhered to the centuries-old established church of the kingdom, had no doubt become much more aware of their own religious heritage by the thirty years of civil and ecclesiastical strife they had had to endure. Henry himself, who announced his second conversion to catholicism in the summer of 1593, was never able to shed a certain aura of denominational ambivalence; he himself said, in a famous anecdote, that his own religion was one of the mysteries of Europe. Yet some measure of religious pacification and conciliation was clearly essential for France in the 1590s, both for the health of the country and for the security of the man who was her sovereign ruler. And under the circumstances existing in France, new initiatives and fresh ideas were needed. As an english historian observed, some years ago, for Henry to be accepted by the french as their ‘Most Christian King and eldest son of the Church, a new definition of Church and Christian would be required.’


Moreana ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 51 (Number 197- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 115-137
Author(s):  
Daniel Lochman

John Colet knew Thomas Linacre for approximately three decades, from their mutual residence in Italy during the early 1490s through varied pedagogical, professional, and social contacts in and around London prior to Colet’s death in 1519. It is not certain that Colet knew Linacre’s original Latin translations of Galen’s therapeutic works, the first printed in 1517. Yet several of Colet’s works associate a spiritual physician—a phrase linked to Colet himself at least since Thomas More’s 1504 letter inviting him to London—with Paul’s trope of the mystical body. Using Galenic discourse to describe the “physiology” of the ideal mystical body, Colet emphasizes by contrast a diseased ecclesia in need of healing by the Spirit, who alone can invigorate the mediating “vital spirits” that are spiritual physicians—ministers within the church. Colet’s application of sophisticated Galenic discourse to the mystical body coincided with the humanist interest in Galen’s works evident in Linacre’s translations, and it accompanied growing concern for health related to waves of epidemics in London during the first two decades of the sixteenth century as well as Colet’s involvement in licensure of London physicians. This paper explores the implications of Colet’s adaptation of Galenic principles to the mystical body and suggests that Colet fostered a strain of medical discourse that persisted well into the sixteenth century.


Author(s):  
Joseph Mazur

While all of us regularly use basic mathematical symbols such as those for plus, minus, and equals, few of us know that many of these symbols weren't available before the sixteenth century. What did mathematicians rely on for their work before then? And how did mathematical notations evolve into what we know today? This book explains the fascinating history behind the development of our mathematical notation system. It shows how symbols were used initially, how one symbol replaced another over time, and how written math was conveyed before and after symbols became widely adopted. Traversing mathematical history and the foundations of numerals in different cultures, the book looks at how historians have disagreed over the origins of the number system for the past two centuries. It follows the transfigurations of algebra from a rhetorical style to a symbolic one, demonstrating that most algebra before the sixteenth century was written in prose or in verse employing the written names of numerals. It also investigates the subconscious and psychological effects that mathematical symbols have had on mathematical thought, moods, meaning, communication, and comprehension. It considers how these symbols influence us (through similarity, association, identity, resemblance, and repeated imagery), how they lead to new ideas by subconscious associations, how they make connections between experience and the unknown, and how they contribute to the communication of basic mathematics. From words to abbreviations to symbols, this book shows how math evolved to the familiar forms we use today.


Author(s):  
Суусар Искендерова

Аннотация: Исследование проблемы фольклоризма является наиболее актуальной в современной науке о фольклоре. На разных этапах развития художественной литературы для формирования индивидуального творчества писателя особенно значимым становятся фольклорные жанры, сюжетные мотивы и художественные средства. В статье рассматривается связь письменной литературы и фольклора, особенно точка зрения проблеме фольклоризма в прошлом и их анализ. Термин «фольклоризм» начал использоваться советскими исследователями учеными как научный термин еще в 1930-х гг. Термин «фольклоризм» используется в различных сферах культуры, а в этой статье мы будем рассматривать в литературе. Несмотря на то, что на протяжении многих лет этот вопрос изучается литературоведами, фольклористами, все -таки нет единого теоретического определения понятия. Ключевые слова: фольклор, фольклоризм, литература, культура, письменная литература, художественная литература, оседлый народ, пословицы и поговорки, фольклорные песни. Аннотация: Көркөм адабияттын өнүгүүсүнүн ар кайсы баскычтарында сүрөткердин жеке чыгармачылыгынын калыптанышы үчүн фольклордук жанрлар, сюжеттер, мотивдер жана көркөм каражаттар айрыкча мааниге ээ. Макалада жазма адабият менен фольклордук карым-катышы, айрыкча фольклоризм маселеси жөнүндө мурдагы көз караштарга кайрылып, аларга талдоо жүргүзүү менен бирге автор өз байкоолорунда келтирет. “Фольклоризм” деген илимий термин 1930-жылы баштап колдонула баштаган. “Фольклоризм” термини маданияттын түрдүү сфераларында кеңири колдо- нулат, бул жерде адабияттагы колдонулушун каралат. Макалада адабий материал менен фольклордук байланышын терең түшүнүү үчүн адабий фольклоризм маселесинин талаштуу жактары каралат. Түйүндүү сөздөр: фольклор, фольклоризм, адабият, маданият, жазма адабият, көркөм адабият, көчмөн калк, макал-лакап, фольклордук ырлар. Annotation: The study of the problem of folklore is the most relevant in the modern science of folklore. At various stages in the development of fiction, folklore genres, plot motifs, and artistic means become especially significant for the formation of the writer's individual creativity. The article examines the relationship between written literature and folklore, especially the point of view of the problem of folklorism in the past and their analysis. The term "folklorism" began to be used by Soviet scholars as a scientific term back in the 1930s. The term "folklorism" is used in various fields of culture, and in this article we will consider in the literature. Despite the fact that for many years this issue has been studied by literary scholars, folklorists, all the same there is no single theoretical definition of the concept. Keywords: folklore, folklorism, literature, culture, written literature, fiction, settled people, proverbs and sayings, folk songs.


Author(s):  
Charles Hefling

This book surveys the contents and the history of the Book of Common Prayer, a sacred text which has been a foundational document of the Church of England and the other churches in the worldwide community of Anglican Christianity. The Prayer Book is primarily a liturgical text—a set of scripts for enacting events of corporate worship. As such it is at once a standard of theological doctrine and an expression of spirituality. The first part of this survey begins with an examination of one Prayer Book liturgy, known as Divine Service, in some detail. Also discussed are the rites for weddings, ordinations, and funerals and for the sacraments of Baptism and Communion. The second part considers the original version of the Book of Common Prayer in the context of the sixteenth-century Reformation, then as revised and built into the Elizabethan settlement of religion in England. Later chapters discuss the reception, revision, rejection, and restoration of the Prayer Book during its first hundred years. The establishment of the text in its classical form in 1662 was followed by a “golden age” in the eighteenth century, which included the emergence of a modified version in the United States. The narrative concludes with a chapter on the displacement of the Book of Common Prayer as a norm of Anglican identity. Two specialized chapters concentrate on the Prayer Book as a visible artifact and as a text set to music.


Author(s):  
Jay T. Collier

Chapter 5 continues to investigate the Montagu affair by surveying adjacent doctrines related to the perseverance debate. For instance, Dort’s more narrow definition of perseverance caused difficulties for those holding a more traditionalist view of baptism and regeneration. After looking at Montagu’s baptismal argument against perseverance of the saints, the chapter evaluates published responses to Montagu’s advocacy of baptismal regeneration as well as more private debates where John Davenant and Samuel Ward tried to reconcile a form of baptismal regeneration with Dort’s determination on perseverance. This survey shows division on the efficacy of baptism even within the pro-Dortian party, with readings and receptions of Augustine factoring in. It also reveals further evidence of how a broad-church approach to being Reformed set the Church of England at odds with the international trends of the Reformed churches.


Author(s):  
Nicola Clark

Throughout the sixteenth century and beyond, the Howards are usually described as religiously ‘conservative’, resisting the reformist impulse of the Reformation while conforming to the royal supremacy over the Church. The women of the family have played little part in this characterization, yet they too lived through the earliest stages of the Reformation. This chapter shows that what we see is not a family following the lead of its patriarch in religious matters at this early stage of the Reformation, but that this did not stop them maintaining strong kinship relations across the shifting religious spectrum.


Author(s):  
Samuel K. Cohn, Jr.

This chapter investigates changes in mentalities after the Black Death, comparing practices never before analysed in this context—funerary and labour laws and processions to calm God’s anger. While processions were rare or conflictual as in Catania and Messina in 1348, these rituals during later plagues bound communities together in the face of disaster. The chapter then turns to another trend yet to be noticed by historians. Among the multitude of saints and blessed ones canonized from 1348 to the eighteenth century, the Church was deeply reluctant to honour, even name, any of the thousands who sacrificed their lives to succour plague victims, physically or spiritually, especially in 1348: the Church recognized no Black Death martyrs. By the sixteenth century, however, city-wide processions and other communal rituals bound communities together with charity for the poor, works of art, and charitable displays of thanksgiving to long-dead holy men and women.


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