Political facets of salsa

Popular Music ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brittmarie Janson Perez
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Dance Music ◽  
The People ◽  
Generic Term ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

Late at night, in a discotheque in a Latin American country whose political system is dominated by the military and is not particularly known for its respect for human rights, a crowd is dancing salsa, a generic term covering Caribbean dance music. The song is Willie Colón's ‘El general’. It starts with a roll of drum beats and a sarcastic description of the general getting up in the morning to put on his uniform and dictate orders to the president. A thrill of fifes follows and a stentorean shout: ‘To the right!’ The verse describes citizens as delighted not to have a free press and a dangerous democratic system with its tricky politicians. The military gazette is very enjoyable and it is reassuring to have a regime which puts men with strange ideas behind bars. In the discotheque, the crowd continues dancing. The next stanza says the general is rumoured to be about to retire: What will happen to the country and the people without him? ‘For a long time I've wanted to thank you,’ is the refrain, ‘goodbye and thank you, my general.’

scholarly journals DIMENSÕES DO PENSAMENTO JURÍDICO CRÍTICO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS NA AMÉRICA LATINA: AS CONTRIBUIÇÕES DE JESÚS ANTONIO DE LA TORRE RANGEL - DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/rfd.v41i3.50873

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Lucas Machado Fagundes ◽  
Ivone Fernandes Morcilo Lixa
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Philosophical Perspective ◽  
The People ◽  
American Tradition ◽  
Legal Thinking ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Right ◽  
Conceptual Evolution

Resumo: O presente estudo comporta uma análise do pensamento jurídico crítico do autor mexicano Jesús Antonio De La Torre Rangel na sua contribuição para a temática dos Direitos Humanos como evolução conceitual sócio histórico fundamentada pela perspectiva filosófica da libertação latino-americana. Assim, a delimitação é embasada na concepção de juridicidade libertadora, categoria que serve de abertura para a noção jurídica totalizada – calcada na ideia positivada –. Dessa forma, objetiva-se aproximar o Direito do sentido de justo que nasce do povo na sua práxis de libertação e, por essa razão dotando-o de uma compreensão política. A problemática da pesquisa perpassa pela existência ou não de uma fundamentação latino-americana para a compreensão dos Direitos Humanos. Com isso, a hipótese que permeia o trabalho é que os Direitos Humanos devem ser resgatados na experiência e evolução conceitual encoberta pela modernidade, recuperando uma tradição ibero-latino-americana, olvidada no espaço geopolítico e epistêmico colonizado. Portanto, o estudo irá permear três dimensões no pensamento jurídico crítico dos Direitos Humanos do jurista mexicano, estabelecendo um panorama reflexivo que pretende demonstrar ao final uma proposta crítica de juridicidade libertadora.Abstract: The present study includes an analysis of the critical legal thinking of Mexican author Jesús Antonio de La Torre Rangel in his contribution to the theme of Human Rights as a socio-historical conceptual evolution based on the philosophical perspective of Latin American liberation. Thus, the delimitation is based on the conception of liberating juridicity, a category that serves as an opening for the totalized juridical notion - based on the positive idea -. In this way, the objective is to approximate the Right of the sense of the righteous that is born of the people in their praxis of liberation and, therefore, endowing it with a political understanding. The research problematic pervades the existence or not of a Latin American foundation for the understanding of Human Rights. With this, the hypothesis that permeates the work is that Human Rights must be rescued in the experience and conceptual evolution concealed by modernity, recovering an Ibero-Latin American tradition, forgotten in colonized geopolitical and epistemic space. Therefore, the study will permeate three dimensions in the critical legal thinking of the human rights of the Mexican jurist, establishing a reflective panorama that intends to demonstrate at the end a critical proposal of liberating juridicity.

scholarly journals Civilianization of Military Rule in Pakistan: A Study of Musharrafs Era (2005-2008)

2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 450-457
Author(s):  
Sughra Alam ◽  
Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti ◽  
Asia Saif Alvi
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Military

The Military s involvement in the political system of Pakistan began from the mid-1950s and continued verily as a guardian, a praetorian, or ruler on various occasions. Its disengagement, after the direct intervention, remained usually slow and gradual. Hence, it took a long time for disengagement and created a power-sharing model instead of transferring power to the civilian elite. The pattern of civilianization adopted by the Ayub Khan and Zia-ul-Haq was also adopted by the Musharraf regime with few changes. In his early days, though, General Pervaiz Musharraf demonstrated intention for economic revival, accountability, devolution of power, and democratic consolidation as his foremost goals and took some steps towards that direction but he abruptly reversed those steps when he sensed a threat to his dominating position in a self-created system. This paper is an attempt to critically analyze the process of civilianization during the period under consideration based on the theoretical framework and practical norms of the democratic system.

To ‘midwife’ – and abort – a democracy: Mauritania's transition from military rule, 2005–2008

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boubacar N'Diaye
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.

scholarly journals MEMÓRIA, HISTÓRIA E RELAÇÕES DE PODER * MEMORY, HISTORY AND POWER RELATIONS

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sonale Diane Pastro de Oliveira ◽  
Maria Gabriela Silva Martins da Cunha Marinho
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
American System ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military ◽  
Change Memory

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Superado o regime militar, o Brasil tornou-se signatário de acordos internacionais de defesa e promoção dos direitos humanos. Apesar disso, até recentemente, o país negligenciou princípios e fundamentos da justiça de transição previstos pelo Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos, entre eles, o direito à verdade, fato que o coloca à margem daquele Sistema. O artigo pontua aspectos políticos da transição-redemocratização política que podem explicar o adiamento da instalação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade no país, criada somente em 2011, e acentua também o caráter contraditório do processo. Especificamente, a análise assinala o fato de que ao transitar da memória para a história, como pretensamente fazem as comissões da verdade, os indivíduos que se aventuram no registro histórico estarão manejando e interferindo na memória coletiva, na percepção e na identidade da qual fazem parte, o que transforma memória em poder.   <br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves:</strong> Comissão da Verdade; Memória; Relações de Poder; Direitos Humanos; Democracia.  </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Overcoming the military regime, Brazil has become signatory of the international defense agreements and promotion of human rights. Yet, until recently, the country has neglected to foundations of transitional justice provided for the Inter-American System of Human Rights, between them, the right of truth, fact that stands aside that system. The article points out political aspects of transitional policy re-democratization which may explain the setting up progress of the National Truth Committee in the country, created only in 2011, and also emphasizes the contradictory procedure. Specifically, the analysis indicates the fact that going through memory to history, the way supposedly the Truth Committees do, the individuals who venture into a historical record will be managing and interfering in the collective memory, perception and identity from which they take part and change memory into power.  <br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> The Truth Committee, Memory and Power Relations, Human Rights, Democracy.<strong> </strong></p>

scholarly journals Role of Documentation and Legal Information Network (JDIH) Efforts in Fulfillment of Human Rights

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 371
Author(s):  
Dewi Sukmaningsih
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Communication Technology ◽  
Information Network ◽  
Legal Information ◽  
The People ◽  
Presidential Decree ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
The Right

Indonesia is a country of law, and one of the characteristics of a state of law is the guarantee and protection of human rights, one of which is the right to obtain information, including the legal information that is information about the legislation both national and local. The principle of fiction (fictie) law states that any person considered to determine the existence of a legislation after its enactment, the ignorance of the people on the legislation, can not be excused. To that end, legislation information should be easily accessible. Issuance of Presidential Decree No. 33 of 2012 on Information and Documentation Network of National Law (JDIHN) isin order to fulfill the right to obtain legal information, especially information legislation. Management of Legal Documentation and Information Network by utilizing information and communication technology (ICT) makes legal information can be accessed quickly, easily, complete and accurate, thereby supporting the fulfillment of human rights, namely the right to obtain legal information properly.Keywords: Documentation and Legal Information Network, Efforts, Fulfillment, Human Rights

scholarly journals The Cultural Populism of Iosif I. Kablits (Yuzov) and its Foundations

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-653
Author(s):  
Gennadiy N. Mokshin
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Cultural Work ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Transformations ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Masses

This article reconstructs the cultural doctrine of the famous publicist of populism (narodnichestvo), I.I. Kablits (Yuzov). To just equate Kablits views with the slogan of yuzovshchina would be a narrow interpretation of his kul'turnichestvo; the slogan is characteristic for extreme right-wing populism during the upsurge of the revolutionary populist movement (narodovol'cheskoe dvizhenie). In 1880, Kablits was the first of the legal populists to pose the question, What is populism? According to the publicist, true narodnichestvo should be based on the principle that the forms of public life of the people must be in conformity with the development level of their consciousness. The author explains Kablits evolution from Bakunism to a peasant-centered narodnichestvo by his interpretation of the reasons for the split between the intelligentsia and the people. Kablits considered them antagonists, and defined the ultimate goal of the narodniki as the liberation of the people from the power of the intellectualbureaucratic minority, the latter supposedly trying to subjugate the life of the masses to its will. The article analyzes the main provisions of Kablits sociocultural concept of social transformations: apolitism, populism, and the initiative of the masses. The article identifies the differences between his program of developing the cultural identity of the people, on the one hand, and other populists' understanding of the tasks of cultural work, on the other. Particular attention is paid to Kablits-Yuzov's attitude towards the problem of educating the masses. Kablits was one of the few Russian populists who opposed the idea that the foundations of the worldview of the people must be changed, arguing that this would eliminate the traditional moral values of the village, including the sense of collectivism. The author assesses how Kablits, the leading publicist of the newspaper Nedelya, contributed to the establishment of a cultural direction in narodnichestvo at the turn of the 1870s and 1880s. According to the author, Kablits played a leading role in shaping the ideology of the right flank of the cultural direction in narodnichestvo. However, the pure populism of Kablits turned out to be too pseudo-scientific, dogmatic and irrational to attract the democratic intelligentsia for a long time; the latter had already become disillusioned with the idea of the people as the creator of new forms of social life.

Definition and content of the right to freedom of conscience

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (05) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Ниджат Рафаэль оглу Джафаров ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Human Behavior ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
Key Words Human ◽  
The People ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Right

It can be accepted that the classification of human rights, its division, types, and groups, is of particular importance. The syllogism for human rights can be taken as follows: law belongs to man; human beings are the highest beings on earth like living beings. Therefore, the regulation prevails. The right to freedom is conditional. Man is free. Consequently, human rights are dependent. Morality is the limit of the law. Morality is the limit and content of human actions. Therefore, the law is the limit of human activities. Morality is related to law. Law is the norm of human behavior. Thereby, human behavior and direction are related to morality. The people create the state. The state has the right. Therefore, the right of the state is the right of the people. The state is an institution made up of citizens. Citizens have the privilege. Such blessings as Dignity, honor, conscience, zeal, honor, etc., and values are a part of morality and spiritual life. Morality is united with law. Therefore, moral values are part of the law. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and conscience. Space is about the law. Therefore, everyone has the right to opinion and conscience. Key words: human rights, freedom of conscience, conceptuality, citizenship

Lucius Crassus and Cicero: The Formation of a Statesman

1971 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Rawson
Keyword(s):  
Family Background ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The People ◽  
Family Tradition ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military ◽  
Practical Level

If we remember anything about Cicero's political ideas, it is that he believed in the right and duty of the senate to exercise supremacy in Rome, but that he also advocated aconcordia ordinmi, an alliance between and recognition of the common interests of senators andequites, to whom property and thestatus quowere sacred. Closely connected with this is the idea of aconsensus omnium bonorum, a wider alliance to include most of theplebs, and Italy. In the service of this ideal of unity he believed that the conservative statesman should beconcordiae causa sapienter popularis, though he should consult the true interests of the people even more than their wishes; and that all government should be mild and conciliatory. These are the views by which we distinguish him from his more obstinate optimate contemporaries, above all Cato, who are less flexible, more rigidly reactionary. Although, since Strasburger's famous study ofConcordia Ordinum, students of Cicero ought to have been prepared to pursue some of these beliefs of his back into the Roman past, too many historians and biographers still give the impression that they were Cicero's own invention (and an unhappy and unrealistic one too, it is often implied). But this is rash. Cicero,pacesome of his detractors, was an intelligent man; but he was not a man of deeply original mind, as would be generally admitted. His greatness lay not in originality, but in the life and form that he could give to the Roman tradition, enriching or illuminating it, sometimes even criticising it, from his knowledge of Greek history and thought.We should be chary therefore of supposing that Cicero's political programme was wholly his own; and, where a programme on a practical level is concerned, we should probably look more closely for Roman than for Greek sources. The first place to search is of course in a man's immediate family background, its position, traditions and contacts. This is true of all ages and places; but it is especially true of Rome. In the recent and justified reaction against the idea of fixed family parties, allied to or warring with certain other families from generation to generation, we are in danger of forgetting that family tradition in a broad sense was often very important. Cicero explains in thede officiishow one should imitate not only themaioresin general, but one's ownmaioresin particular – thus successive Scaevolae have become legal experts, and Scipio Aemilianus emulated the military glory of the first Africanus.

Part III The Right to Justice, C Restrictions on Rules of Law Justified By Action to Combat Impunity, Principle 29 Restrictions on the Jurisdiction of Military Courts

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aoláin Fionnuala Ní
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Domestic Courts ◽  
Military Law ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

Principle 29 deals with restrictions on the jurisdiction of military courts. Under this Principle, the adjudication of human rights violations by military courts is explicitly excluded, and ordinary domestic courts are mandated as the only appropriate venue of judicial oversight. Nevertheless, military courts remain functionally important for the routine and uncontroversial deployment of military law consistent with international law. The chapter first provides a contextual and historical background on Principle 29 before discussing its theoretical framework and how military courts are used in various countries such as Ireland and Turkey. Issues arising when civilians find themselves within the jurisdiction of military courts are also examined, along with the difficulties of ensuring fair trials in military courts. This chapter shows that military courts, while certainly serving important functions within the military forces of states, remain subject to human rights and humanitarian law compliance.

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