scholarly journals DIMENSÕES DO PENSAMENTO JURÍDICO CRÍTICO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS NA AMÉRICA LATINA: AS CONTRIBUIÇÕES DE JESÚS ANTONIO DE LA TORRE RANGEL - DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/rfd.v41i3.50873

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Lucas Machado Fagundes ◽  
Ivone Fernandes Morcilo Lixa

Resumo: O presente estudo comporta uma análise do pensamento jurídico crítico do autor mexicano Jesús Antonio De La Torre Rangel na sua contribuição para a temática dos Direitos Humanos como evolução conceitual sócio histórico fundamentada pela perspectiva filosófica da libertação latino-americana. Assim, a delimitação é embasada na concepção de juridicidade libertadora, categoria que serve de abertura para a noção jurídica totalizada – calcada na ideia positivada –. Dessa forma, objetiva-se aproximar o Direito do sentido de justo que nasce do povo na sua práxis de libertação e, por essa razão dotando-o de uma compreensão política. A problemática da pesquisa perpassa pela existência ou não de uma fundamentação latino-americana para a compreensão dos Direitos Humanos. Com isso, a hipótese que permeia o trabalho é que os Direitos Humanos devem ser resgatados na experiência e evolução conceitual encoberta pela modernidade, recuperando uma tradição ibero-latino-americana, olvidada no espaço geopolítico e epistêmico colonizado. Portanto, o estudo irá permear três dimensões no pensamento jurídico crítico dos Direitos Humanos do jurista mexicano, estabelecendo um panorama reflexivo que pretende demonstrar ao final uma proposta crítica de juridicidade libertadora.Abstract: The present study includes an analysis of the critical legal thinking of Mexican author Jesús Antonio de La Torre Rangel in his contribution to the theme of Human Rights as a socio-historical conceptual evolution based on the philosophical perspective of Latin American liberation. Thus, the delimitation is based on the conception of liberating juridicity, a category that serves as an opening for the totalized juridical notion - based on the positive idea -. In this way, the objective is to approximate the Right of the sense of the righteous that is born of the people in their praxis of liberation and, therefore, endowing it with a political understanding. The research problematic pervades the existence or not of a Latin American foundation for the understanding of Human Rights. With this, the hypothesis that permeates the work is that Human Rights must be rescued in the experience and conceptual evolution concealed by modernity, recovering an Ibero-Latin American tradition, forgotten in colonized geopolitical and epistemic space. Therefore, the study will permeate three dimensions in the critical legal thinking of the human rights of the Mexican jurist, establishing a reflective panorama that intends to demonstrate at the end a critical proposal of liberating juridicity.

Popular Music ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brittmarie Janson Perez

Late at night, in a discotheque in a Latin American country whose political system is dominated by the military and is not particularly known for its respect for human rights, a crowd is dancing salsa, a generic term covering Caribbean dance music. The song is Willie Colón's ‘El general’. It starts with a roll of drum beats and a sarcastic description of the general getting up in the morning to put on his uniform and dictate orders to the president. A thrill of fifes follows and a stentorean shout: ‘To the right!’ The verse describes citizens as delighted not to have a free press and a dangerous democratic system with its tricky politicians. The military gazette is very enjoyable and it is reassuring to have a regime which puts men with strange ideas behind bars. In the discotheque, the crowd continues dancing. The next stanza says the general is rumoured to be about to retire: What will happen to the country and the people without him? ‘For a long time I've wanted to thank you,’ is the refrain, ‘goodbye and thank you, my general.’


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Miguel Alfonso Bouhaben

Poder, violencia y resistencia de la imagen. Batallas audiovisuales en América LatinaMiguel Alfonso BouhabenResumenEl mundo contemporáneo se ha convertido en imagen. El poder controla, por medio de imágenes –cámaras de vigilancia, películas ideológicas, nuevas tecnologías, etc.– lo que se debe pensar y sentir. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo la definición y la evaluación crítica de las relaciones entre el poder, la violencia y las formas de resistencia de las imágenes. A través del análisis de algunas secuencias de La hora de los hornos (Gettino y Solanas, 1968), Sangre de cóndor (Jorge Sanjinés, 1969) y El coraje del pueblo (Jorge Sanjinés, 1971), se valorarán las alternativas a los dispositivos de dominio audiovisual con el fin de poner contra las cuerdas la lógica de violencia visual del poder hegemónico. Se trata, en definitiva, de explorar las posibilidades de emergencia de las contraimágenes en el contexto de América Latina.Palabras claves América Latina; contraimagen; poder; resistencia; violenciaPower, Violence and Resistance of the Image. Audiovisual Battles in Latin AmericaMiguel Alfonso BouhabenAbstractThe contemporary world has become an image. The power controls, through images – surveillance cameras, ideological films, new technologies, etc. – what should be thought and felt. This article aims at the definition and critical evaluation of the relations between power, violence and forms of resistance of images. Through the analysis of some sequences from The Hour of the Furnaces (Gettino and Solanas, 1968), Blood of the Condor (Jorge Sanjinés, 1969) and The Courage of the People (Jorge Sanjinés, 1971), the alternatives to the devices of audiovisual domain will be assessed in order to question the logic of visual violence of the hegemonic power. Finally, the purpose is to explore the possibilities of emergence of counter-images in the Latin American context.KeywordsLatin America; Counter-image; power; resistance; violencePoder pelio y uapiai imagenmanda, batallas audiovisuales América- latinapeMiguel Alfonso BouhabenMaillallachiska:Chi mundo contemporáneo convertirerka e imagen. Chi poderka controla chi imágenes- cámara de vigencia, películas ideológicas, musu tecnologías, etc.- deberenme iuiai y sentengapa. Kai presente articulok rukanme objetivo la definición y evaluacion crítica de las realciones entre poder, chi pilio y forma de resistencia de las imágenes. Atraves del análisis sug secuenciakuna la hora de los hornos ( Gettino y Solanas, 1968) iauar condorpa ( Jorge Sanjinés, 1969 ) y sug koraje pueblomanda ( Jorge Sanjinés 1971) se valoraran sug alternativakuna dispositivokuna de dominio audiovisual churrangapa contra las cuerdas sug lógica de pilio visual del poder hegemonico, tratarenme en definitiva, explorangapa sug posibilidadkuna de emergencia sug contraimagenkunamanda contextope América Latinape.Rimangapa Ministidukuna:América Latina; contraimagen; poder, uapiai; pilioPuissance, violence et résistance de l'image. Batailles audiovisuelles en Amérique latineMiguel Alfonso BouhabenRésuméLe monde contemporain est devenu une image. Le pouvoir contrôle, à travers des images –caméras de surveillance, films idéologiques, nouvelles technologies, etc. – ce qu'il faut penser et ressentir. Cet article vise la définition et l'évaluation critique des relations entre le pouvoir, la violence et les formes de résistance des images. Grâce à l'analyse de certaines séquences de L'Heure des brasiers (Gettino et Solanas, 1968), Sang du Condor (Jorge Sanjinés, 1969) et Le courage du peuple (Jorge Sanjinés, 1971), les alternatives à des dispositifs de domaine audiovisuel sont évaluées, afin de contester la logique de violence visuelle du pouvoir hégémonique. Enfin, il s'agit d'explorer les possibilités d'émergence de contre-images dans le contexte de l'Amérique latine.Mots clésAmérique latine; contre-image; pouvoir; résistance; violencePODER, VIOLÊNCIA E RESISTÊNCIA DA IMAGEM. BATALHAS AUDIOVISUAIS NA AMÉRICA LATINAMiguel Alfonso BouhabenResumoO mundo contemporâneo tem se transformado em imagem. O poder controla, por meio de imagens câmeras de vigilância, filmes ideológicos, novas tecnologias, etc –o que se deve pensar e sentir. O presente artigo tem como objetivo de resistência das avaliações crítica das relações entre o poder, a violência e as formas de resistência das imagens. Através da análise de algumas sequências La hora de los hornos (Gettino y Solanas, 1968), Sangre de cóndor (Jorge Sanjinés, 1969) e El coraje del pueblo (Jorge Sanjinés, 1971), se valorizarão as alternativas aos dispositivos de domínio audiovisual com o fim de pôr contra as cordas a lógica de violência visual do poder hegemônico. Definitivamente se trata de explorar as possibilidades de emergência das contra imagens no contexto da América Latina.Palavras-chave América Latina; contra imagem; poder; resistência, violência


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 371
Author(s):  
Dewi Sukmaningsih

Indonesia is a country of law, and one of the characteristics of a state of law is the guarantee and protection of human rights, one of which is the right to obtain information, including the legal information that is information about the legislation both national and local. The principle of fiction (fictie) law states that any person considered to determine the existence of a legislation after its enactment, the ignorance of the people on the legislation, can not be excused. To that end, legislation information should be easily accessible. Issuance of Presidential Decree No. 33 of 2012 on Information and Documentation Network of National Law (JDIHN) isin order to fulfill the right to obtain legal information, especially information legislation. Management of Legal Documentation and Information Network by utilizing information and communication technology (ICT) makes legal information can be accessed quickly, easily, complete and accurate, thereby supporting the fulfillment of human rights, namely the right to obtain legal information properly.Keywords: Documentation and Legal Information Network, Efforts, Fulfillment, Human Rights


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (05) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Ниджат Рафаэль оглу Джафаров ◽  

It can be accepted that the classification of human rights, its division, types, and groups, is of particular importance. The syllogism for human rights can be taken as follows: law belongs to man; human beings are the highest beings on earth like living beings. Therefore, the regulation prevails. The right to freedom is conditional. Man is free. Consequently, human rights are dependent. Morality is the limit of the law. Morality is the limit and content of human actions. Therefore, the law is the limit of human activities. Morality is related to law. Law is the norm of human behavior. Thereby, human behavior and direction are related to morality. The people create the state. The state has the right. Therefore, the right of the state is the right of the people. The state is an institution made up of citizens. Citizens have the privilege. Such blessings as Dignity, honor, conscience, zeal, honor, etc., and values are a part of morality and spiritual life. Morality is united with law. Therefore, moral values are part of the law. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and conscience. Space is about the law. Therefore, everyone has the right to opinion and conscience. Key words: human rights, freedom of conscience, conceptuality, citizenship


Author(s):  
Andrew Kerner

The term ownership society is commonly used to describe a suite of policies promoted during the second George W. Bush administration that sought, among other things, to increase popular ownership of housing and financial assets. The ownership society was always in large part an attempt at social engineering. That attempt rests on two premises: first, that asset ownership pushes individuals’ politics to the right; and second, that governments can engineer a more right-leaning populace by promoting asset ownership. While the term was novel, the ideas were not. Bush’s ownership society bore more than a striking resemblance to Thatcher’s “enterprise society,” for example, and similar ideas percolated in some quarters of Latin American neoliberalism of the 1980s and 1990s. But foreign referents are in this case not necessary; the ownership society was in large part an expansion of a preexisting American tradition of promoting private ownership explicitly for its capacity to transform the owner’s politics. Despite its consistent appeal to right-of-center governments, political science has not come to any tidy conclusions about whether the ownership society exists or, if it does exist, how it works and how it interacts with financial and housing markets. Turmoil in those markets over the past 10 years, and the accompanying political fallout, underline the need to consolidate what we know about the ownership society and to set a course for theoretical and empirical development. Two themes in the literature are particularly noteworthy as it moves forward. First, there is a substantial contrast between “static” and “dynamic” theories of ownership society politics. Static theories argue that the fact of asset ownership per se affects the owner’s politics; dynamic theories look more toward movements in asset markets, arguing that asset ownership’s political effects vary according to the financial consequences of that ownership on the individual. While the latter appears to better fit the empirical evidence, the relevant scope conditions—when should we expect a dynamic theory to obtain, and where should we expect a static theory to obtain—remain unclear. Second, the empirical study of the ownership society is made difficult by the fact that asset ownership is virtually never randomly assigned, and the political antecedents of asset ownership are difficult to convincingly control for using observational data. In lieu of a perfect research design, better communication between observational and experimental studies can help move the literature forward.


Author(s):  
Carmen Almagro Martín

ResumenSin duda alguna, en épocas de crisis como la que vivimos desde hace años, que se ha mostrado especialmente intensa en España, el Derecho al trabajo es uno de los que resultan más perjudicados. Se trata de un Derecho fundamental del ser humano y, como tal, aparece recogido en la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos, formando parte de ese “ideal común” que todos los pueblos y naciones deben esforzarse en conseguir. En España, el desempleo ha alcanzado niveles tan elevados que se ha convertido en la principal preocupación de los españoles (prácticamente en todas las familias hay al menos un miembro en “paro”). La situación es desoladora, habiéndose llegado a rozar los 6 millones de trabajadores en situación de desempleo, resultando evidente que el país debe continuar la reforma en el ámbito laboral poniendo en práctica políticas activas que permitan la reducción de esta cifra y la normalización del mercado de trabajo. Sin embargo, no menos importante será la adopción de medidas para la protección de los millones de desempleados, que viéndose privados de trabajo, principal fuente de ingresos para la mayoría de ellos, carecen de los recursos necesarios para hacer frente a sus necesidades básicas y las de sus familias.AbstractWithout any doubt, in times of crisis, as the one we have been currently living for years, the right to work has been particularly affected. It is a Fundamental Human Right, as it is expressed in the Universal Declarationof Human Rights, shaping this “common ideal” towards which all the people and nations must try to achieve. In Spain, unemployment has reached such levels that it has become the main subject of preoccupation among Spaniards (in almost all families, there is at least one unemployed individual). The situation is devastating, as almost 6 million of people are unemployed, urging the country to carry on its labour reforms, implementing active policies that enable to reduce this number and to normalize the labour market. It will be also important to adopt some measures to protect millions of unemployed individuals who, having no job, (as the main source of income for them), are lacking the necessary means to cope with the basic needs of themselves and their families. ResumoSem dúvida, em tempos de crise como a que temos vivenciado há anos, e que tem demostrado ser particularmente intensa na Espanha, o direito ao trabalho tem sido particularmente prejudicado. Trata-se de um direito humano fundamental e como tal, aparece na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, formando parte desse “ideal comum” que todos os povos e nações devem buscar realizar. Na Espanha, o desemprego atingiu níveis tão elevados que se tornou a principal preocupação dos Espanhóis (praticamente todos em todas as famílias lares têm pelo menos um membrosem emprego). A situação é sombria, tendo em vista que há quase 6 milhões de desempregados, exigindo que o país prossiga com suas reformas trabalhistas, implementando políticas públicas ativas que permitam reduzir essa cifra e normalizar o mercado do trabalho. Torna-se importante adotar medidas que protejam os milhões de desempregados que, sem emprego– principal fonte de ingressos para a maioria deles –, carecem dos recursos necessários às suas necessidades básicas e de suas famílias.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (266) ◽  
pp. 360
Author(s):  
Pedro Assis Ribeiro de Oliveira

A importância sociológica da religião não se mede pelo número de seus adeptos, mas por sua capacidade de formar o “clima moral” da sociedade. A América Latina, constituída para ser economicamente explorada pelas metrópoles e ainda na periferia do sistema econômico mundial, vive hoje uma onda de participação política dos setores populares em busca de democracia e de uma outra AL possível. Esses sinais dos tempos interpelam a Igreja católica, onde a pastoral comprometida com os Direitos Humanos e com as lutas populares tem sido contestada por setores conservadores. O V CELAM reafirmará a participação da Igreja na construção desse novo “clima político”, ou se preocupará apenas em aumentar o número de seus membros?Abstract: The sociological significance of religion is not measured by the number of its followers but by its ability to produce a “moral climate” in society. Latin America, still on the periphery of the world economic system and constituted to be economically exploited by the metropolises is currently experiencing a wave of political participation on the part of the most popular sectors of society in search of real democracy and of other possibilities for Latin America. These signsofthetimes are challenging the Catholic Church where the pastoral committed to the popular struggle and to Human Rights is being contested by the conservative sectors. Will the 5th Latin American Episcopal Conference (CELAM) reaffirm the Church’s participation in the construction of this new “political climate” or will it only be concerned with expanding its membership?


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 653
Author(s):  
André Luiz Pereira Spinieli

O debate sobre o pluralismo jurídico no contexto político e social latino-americano não é recente, de modo que suas percepções foram renovadas a partir do movimento neoconstitucionalista operado no continente, responsável por desencadear alternativas epistêmicas para se pensar a efetividade dos direitos humanos e dos direitos de cidadania, tudo a partir da lógica de emancipação social e descolonialidade, como possibilidade de rompimento com o constitucionalismo tradicional, de cunho conservador, hegemônico e colonialista. Em termos gerais, como uma das respostas à concepção juspositivista, o pluralismo jurídico surge como modelo de pensamento para a práxis dos direitos humanos, em face de uma sociedade na qual impera a lógica das exclusões concretas em contrariedade às inclusões abstratas. Dessa forma, tomando por base a abordagem bibliográfica, este trabalho propõe oferecer reflexões a respeito do atual estado da cultura de direitos humanos instalada na América Latina, com enfoque nas contribuições epistemológicas advindas da teoria críticados direitos humanos e do pluralismo jurídico wolkmeriano.Palavras-chave: Pluralismo jurídico. Direitos humanos. Cultura constitucional. América Latina. Teoria crítica dos direitos humanos.LEGAL PLURALISM AS AN EPISTEMOLOGICAL ALTERNATIVE FOR THE CULTURE OF HUMAN RIGHTS SINCE THE LATIN AMERICAN CONTEXTAbstractThe debate on legal pluralism in the Latin American political and social context is not recent, so that their perceptions were renewed from the neo-constitutionalist movement operated on the continent, responsible for triggering epistemic alternatives to think about the effectiveness of human rights and human rights of citizenship, all based on the logic of social emancipation and decoloniality, as a possibility of breaking with traditional constitutionalism, of a conservative, hegemonic and colonialist nature. In general terms, as one of the answers to the juspositivist conception, legal pluralism emerges as a model of thoughtfor the practice of human rights, in the face of a society in which the logic of concrete exclusions prevails in opposition to abstract inclusions. Thus, based on the bibliographic approach, this work proposes to offer reflections on the current state of human rights culture in Latin America, focusing on the epistemological contributions arising from the critical theory of human rights and legal Wolkmer’s pluralism.Keywords: Legal Pluralism. Human rights. Constitutional culture. Latin America. Critical theory of human rights.


2018 ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Verónica Giordano

La década del noventa significó un grave retroceso para la tradición de pen­samiento crítico en América Latina. El colonialismo intelectual degradó esa valiosa cualidad que había distinguido a nuestras ciencias sociales en los años sesenta y setenta: pensar críticamente desde América Latina y para América Latina. La interdisciplinariedad y la historicidad fueron reemplazadas por una reclusión en el núcleo duro de saberes específicos, los cuales prescindie­ron de toda referencia temporal en nombre de la objetividad. Concomitante­mente, se multiplicaron las citas de autoridad de pensadores foráneos que, en general, desconocían los problemas específicos de nuestra región. En años recientes la crítica, como característica indispensable para una ciencia propia, se había revalorizado de la mano de proyectos políticos que afirmaban la soberanía nacional, en consonancia con la autonomía intelectual. Pero el giro a la derecha que se está produciendo en el mundo y en la región en la actual coyuntura está provocando un grave embate a la capacidad crítica. Este ar­tículo propone pensar la sociología crítica latinoamericana como sociología histórica desde la perspectiva de la hibridación de disciplinas, para luego trazar una genealogía de pensamiento crítico que se perfila como proyecto intelectual de transformación social. Palabras clave: sociología latinoamericana, sociología histórica, pensamiento latinoamericano, pensamiento crítico. The critical as an intellectual project. A continued thread of Latin American social thinkingAbstract The decade of 1990’s represented a sharp setback for the critical thinking tradition in Latin America. Intellectual colonialism undermined that valua­ble quality that had distinguished our social sciences in the 1960s and 1970s: to think critically from Latin America and for Latin America. Inter discipli­nes and historicity were replaced by a reclusion in the hard core of specific knowledge, which managed without temporal references in the name of objectivity. Likewise, authority quotations were multiplied by foreign thinkers, who, in general, did not know the specific problems of our region. In recent years, criticism, as an essential characteristic for a science of its own, had been revalued by political projects affirming national sovereignty, in line with intellectual autonomy. But the shift to the right occurring in the world and in the region in the current conjuncture is generating a serious conflict with the critical capacity. This article proposes to think of the critical Latin American sociology as historical sociology from the perspective of hybridi­zation of disciplines, in order to trace a genealogy of critical thinking that emerges as an intellectual project for social transformation. ­Keywords: Latin American sociology, historical sociology, Latin American thinking, critical thinking.A crítica como projeto intelectual. Hilvanes conti­nuistas do pensamento social latino-americano ResumoA década do 90 representou um grave revés para a tradição do pensamento crítico na América Latina. O colonialismo intelectual degradou essa quali­dade valiosa que distinguiu nossas ciências sociais nos anos sessenta e se­tenta: pensar criticamente desde América Latina e para América Latina. A interdisciplinaridade e a historicidade foram substituídas por uma reclusão no núcleo duro do conhecimento específico, os quais dispensaram de toda referência temporal em nome da objetividade. Concomitantemente, multipli­caram-se as citações de autoria de pensadores estrangeiros, o que, em geral, desconheciam os problemas específicos da nossa região. Nos últimos anos, a crítica, como característica indispensável para uma ciência própria, foi reva­lorizada da mão de projetos políticos que afirmavam a soberania nacional, de acordo com a autonomia intelectual. Mas o giro para a direita que está ocorrendo no mundo e na região na atual conjuntura está provocando um grave conflito com a capacidade crítica. Este artigo propõe pensar a sociolo­gia latino-americana crítica como sociologia histórica desde a perspectiva da hibridização de disciplinas, a fim de traçar uma genealogia de pensamento crítico que emerge como projeto intelectual de transformação social. Palavras-chave: sociologia latino-americana, sociologia histórica, pensamen­to latino-americano, pensamento crítico.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Lily Faradina ◽  
Kadek Wiwik Indrayanti

The rights of prisoners have been explicitly regulated in Act No.12 of 1995 on Corrections. The law therein outlines 13 (thirteen) rights reserved for a prisoner while in a Penitentiary. The right to get a wage or premium for the work done is a right that is often neglected in practice in the correctional institution located in our country. This happens because of the stigma of the people who still tend to assume that a prisoner is a party that deserves to be treated arbitrarily because of the crime he has committed. It is this kind of thinking that ultimately also affects officials or prison officers who end up treating incendiary people like humans who are unfit to accept the rights that have been provided by the state. Many inmates are employed in penitentiaries who are not paid for by their employers. If this continues to be done then the purpose of punishment will actually violate human rights inherent in the Prisoners as human beings. However, prisoners must also be protected by their rights as human beings.


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