scholarly journals Sun, Sand and Submachine Guns: Tourism in a Militarized Xinjiang, China

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Gregory Fayard
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Aesthetic Taste ◽  
Personal Interaction ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Travel Diaries ◽  
Chinese Travellers

Abstract In recent years, domestic tourism into the Xinjiang region of China has grown rapidly. Government officials view tourism as a source of both economic capital and social stability, presenting a normalcy that makes it attractive for investment. There are two paradoxes to Xinjiang tourism. According to most literature, a massive military presence should deter tourists, but numbers have continued to grow in the militarized Xinjiang region. Second, the cultural “otherness” of Xinjiang is a big draw to the region, yet this culture is being suppressed by state policies to contain Islam. Using a dataset of Han Chinese travel diaries, I look at how narrated tourist experiences of Xinjiang justify policing, how ethnic boundaries are reinforced by practices in both transportation and personal interaction, and how state policies influence Chinese travellers’ views on the authenticity of their experience. While bodily assurances of security substantiate political legitimacy, tourists resist the bureaucratic management of sites, allowing for critiques focused almost exclusively on aesthetic taste.

Syria under Pressure

2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDERS STRINDBERG
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Wrong Side ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Sharp Criticism ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

Syria's sharp criticism of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 opened a particularly tense phase in Syrian-American relations, culminating in the May 2004 imposition of U.S. economic sanctions under the Syria Accountability Act. While accusing Damascus of being on the ““wrong side”” in the wars against terror and Iraq, Washington has raised a number of other issues, including Syria's military presence in Lebanon, its support for Hizballah and various Palestinian factions, its alleged ““interference”” in Iraq, and its possible possession of weapons of mass destruction. This report, based on numerous interviews with government officials, analysts, opposition figures, and ordinary citizens, examines Syria's reactions to these allegations, gradual changes in Syrian political culture, and various domestic developments.

Why are Chinese ethics declining?

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 438-453
Author(s):  
Di Shang ◽  
Guanchu Liu ◽  
Shixiong Cao
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Culture ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Economic Costs ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Communist Society ◽  
Monitoring And Enforcement ◽  
Chinese Ethics ◽  
Individual Ethics ◽  
Spontaneous Evolution

Disorder seems inevitable when a social system changes. The Soviet Union’s collapse provided a recent example, and China is now providing a new example. During China’s transformation from a communist society with a centrally planned economy to a market-based socialist society, “ethical decline” has become an increasingly serious issue, and one that has high social and economic costs. Historical experience from many cultures shows that this ethical decline is not inherent to Chinese culture. Chinese ethics are being compromised by partnerships between government officials and businessmen who benefit at the expense of society because of a lack of monitoring of such relationships during China’s radical institutional change. This growing problem poses serious risks to China’s social stability and economic development. To solve the problem, it will be necessary to establish a sound legal framework and more effective monitoring and enforcement, rather than hoping for spontaneous evolution of stronger individual ethics.

National Identity and Political Legitimacy in Turkmenistan*

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
National Population ◽  
Political Events

This paper traces political events and modes of generating legitimacy in Turkmenistan since the Soviet collapse. The emphasis here is on state policies and social movements that relate to “nation building” for their contribution to political legitimacy. The extent of nation-building success is not an immediate subject of inquiry, for this paper is not about public perception and bottom-up response to state policies, but the reverse. It is certain that state-sponsored proclamations and nationalist ideas espoused by the intelligentsia do not always find resonance among the national population at large. However, attention given to social movements in this paper may compensate for this shortcoming in a small way. It must be stated that social movements in Turkmenistan, and Central Asia, as a whole, have been top heavy. They were principally initiated and steered by the urbanized intelligentsia. The extent of mass involvement in such movements is suspect and hard to gauge.

scholarly journals Riots, Demonstrations, Strikes and the Coalition Programme

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Taylor-Gooby
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Lower Income ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Public Provision ◽  
Income Groups ◽  
Labour Market Reforms ◽  
Indirect Measures ◽  
Political Demonstrations ◽  
Spending Cuts

The current UK government's policies include headlong spending cuts and a far-reaching restructuring of public provision. State welfare arguably contributes to political legitimacy and social stability, as well as to better social conditions and economic prosperity. The fact that current policies bear disproportionately on lower income groups may damage legitimacy.This article analyses a dataset covering twenty-six countries for more than two decades to show that spending cuts, privatisation and increases in poverty undermine legitimacy. It uses a direct measure of legitimacy in terms of the frequency of riots and political demonstrations and strikes, rather than the usual indirect measures in terms of attitudes and trust in government. Findings in relation to the increased work-centredness of the benefit and labour market reforms are more equivocal: a stricter benefit regime may not undermine legitimacy.

scholarly journals Artificial intelligence and China's authoritarian governance

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jinghan Zeng
Keyword(s):  
Artificial Intelligence ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Digital Technology ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Adaptation Strategy ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Privacy Concern ◽  
Strong State ◽  
Strategic Approach

Abstract China has adopted a proactive and strategic approach to embrace the age of artificial intelligence (AI). This article argues that China's bold AI practices are part of its broad and incoherent adaptation strategy to governance by digital means. AI is part of a digital technology package that the Chinese authoritarian regime has actively employed not only to improve public service, but also to strengthen its authoritarian governance. China's digital progress benefits from its huge internet market, strong state power and weak civil awareness, making it more competitive than western democratic societies where privacy concern restricts their AI development. However, China's ambitious AI plan contains considerable risks; its overall impact depends on how AI affects major sources of political legitimacy including economic growth, social stability and ideology. China's approach is gambling on its success in (a) delivering a booming AI economy, (b) ensuring a smooth social transformation towards the age of AI and (c) proving ideological superiority of its authoritarian and communist values.

scholarly journals Does Conscience Have to be Free? A Multiple Crossroads of Religious, Political, and Diplomatic Arguments: 1868-1874

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 35-44
Author(s):  
Kōichirō Matsuda
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Educational Systems ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The Government ◽  
Religious Sects ◽  
The Individual ◽  
New Generation

This article will focus on the conundrum of building the political legitimacy while institutionalizing religious freedom which the newly established goisshin 御一新 government confronted. Liberation of "evil sects", which not only meant Christianity but also other religious sects such as fujufuse-ha of Nichiren school, was an issue which the Meiji state wanted to dodge. Western states demanded the lifting of the ban on Christianity but Japanese political leaders were vigilant against the idea. Reluctantly the Meiji state lifted the ban on Christianity in 1873 but they had started the institutionalization of Shinto as the state religion in advance. The government officials viewed that Christian faith and churches in Western countries were devised to prevent public mind from dissolution. They strived to establish an alternative version of religious authority in Japan instead of introducing the principle of conscientious freedom. However, on the other hand, a new generation of intellectuals raised the protection of the individual right of religious freedom as an urgent issue. I will analyze the diplomatic negotiations between the Western countries and the Meiji government officials, reports on the Western religious and educational systems in the Iwakura Mission records, voices of Buddhist and Shinto groups, and publications by leading intellectuals such as Nakamura Masao and Katō Hiroyuki so as to build a picture of how the concept of conscientious liberty was treated in such entangled contexts.

How Remittances Prevent Social Unrest

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Germano
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Market Transition ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Food Crisis ◽  
Economic Crises ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Civil Unrest

This chapter argues that the flood of remittances to the Mexican countryside has contributed to political and social stability during a string of economic crises over the years. Analyses of survey data collected in Michoacán, Mexico during the 2007–2008 food crisis show that remittances promoted income stability, reduced economic grievances, and reduced citizens’ demand for government-provided welfare. I argue that similar processes may have prevented civil unrest during Mexico’s market transition in the 1990s. Interviews with farmers, townspeople, and government officials suggest that remittances have lifted spirits in the countryside and helped to reduce the kind of suffering and anger that gave rise to the Zapatista uprising.

Ritratti di Leptis Magna: modelli, produzione, contesto tra la dinastia flavia e gli Antonini

2014 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 19-47
Author(s):  
Laura Buccino
Keyword(s):  
Second Century ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Evolutionary Trend ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Civic Society ◽  
Forum Theatre ◽  
Social Prestige ◽  
Public Meeting ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractDifferent types of marble portraits are discussed: both official Imperial images as well as private portraits, with the intention of illustrating the relationship to Roman models and to highlight stylistic and technical characteristics belonging to local sculptors. The portraits belonged to honourific statues dedicated in Lepcis Magna in public prestigious areas (Old Forum, Theatre, Serapeum, Hadrianic Baths). In these public meeting places the Imperial government officials, civic authorities and the privateevergeteshad the opportunity of celebrating the central power and its representatives, from the Emperor and the members of his family to provincial functionaries; personal aspirations of Romanisation and of making a political and administrative career; one's own generosity, personal wealth, preeminent role in civic society, as well as accumulating honours, visibility and social prestige. In the case of some statues of private individuals it is uncertain whether they were intended to be honourific or funerary. The chronological span, extending from the Flavian to the end of the Antonine period, corresponds to the period of greatest social stability and economic prosperity in Tripolitania and in Lepcis Magna in particular. From the analysis carried out, certain distinctive traits of Lepcitan portraiture between the first and second century AD emerge. The influence of the Graeco-Alexandrine tradition, more or less filtered through Cyrene, which held a significant role throughout the early Imperial age, tends to weaken and, at the latest by the end of the Flavian period, to disappear altogether. Local workshops, by now well trained, and in some cases identifiable through a distinctive formal language, become strongly influenced by Rome, either directly or through Carthage, capital of the province of Africa Proconsularis. Alongside this component is the growing influence of Asia Minor, fed by the increasing importation of marble from the eastern part of the empire, which would also have a great deal of influence on architectural decoration. The presence of a masterpiece in the Asiatic style, the female portrait-statue from the Serapeum, is the most striking testimonial of this evolutionary trend.

The Political Economy of Labor Employment Decisions: Evidence from China

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (10) ◽  
pp. 4703-4725
Author(s):  
Zhaoyang Gu ◽  
Song Tang ◽  
Donghui Wu
Keyword(s):  
State Ownership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Labor Costs ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Employment Decisions ◽  
Labor Policies ◽  
Time Periods ◽  
The Government

In China’s transitional economy, one of the major objectives of the government is to maintain social stability. We hypothesize that, through state ownership and appointment of executives, Chinese government officials can influence firms’ labor employment decisions by limiting layoffs when firms’ sales decline. Consistent with this hypothesis, we find that state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have stickier labor costs than non-SOEs, and the presence of politically connected managers makes labor costs even stickier in SOEs while having little effect in non-SOEs. Such effects are stronger in regions with weak market institutions and during time periods when government officials are to be promoted. We also show that the government reciprocates SOEs’ sticky labor policies with subsequent subsidies. This paper was accepted by Suraj Srinivasan, accounting.

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