Turkish Nationalist Educational Thinking in the Last Ottoman Decade: Run-Up to Republican Pedagogy

2004 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 39-70
Author(s):  
Barak A. Salmoni
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
World War ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
National Education ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Kemal Ataturk ◽  
Educational Thinking

At the end of World War I, senior Ottoman military officers and bureaucrats led the Turkish Muslim inhabitants of Anatolia in a struggle for national independence against invading European armies, under the command of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and his deputy, İsmet İnönü. Emerging victorious in the war, Atatürk and his associates had garnered sufficient national legitimacy and prestige to end the Ottoman sultanate and caliphate, establish a Turkish Republic, and embark on a series of interventions in politics and society known in Turkish parlance as the Kemalist Reforms/Revolutions. Recrafting the ethos, substance, and goals of schooling into a properly national education (millî terbiye) was one of the central components of this reform.

Claiming a Place Through Memories of Belonging: Politics of Recognition on the Island of Imbros

2006 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 47-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elif Babül
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Mutual Exclusion ◽  
Greek Orthodox ◽  
World War ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
The First World War ◽  
New Community ◽  
First World

The establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923 marks the official construction of a new community and new forms of belonging that were expected to replace the communities and forms of belonging characteristic of the Ottoman Empire. The convention signed at the end of the First World War on January 30, 1923, concerning “the compulsory exchange of Turkish nationals of the Greek Orthodox Religion established in Turkish territory, and of Greek nationals of the Muslim religion established in Greek territory” can be seen as the hallmark of this republican attempt to create a new homogenized republican community called the nation. Exchanging populations meant the mutual exclusion of the largest ethnic and religious minority groups from the post-World War I nationalized lands of Greece and Turkey.

Ottoman ghosts and legacies: A drift through the Dead Zone in Cyprus

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 586-588
Author(s):  
Alev Adil
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Dead Zone ◽  
Border Zone ◽  
World War ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Greek Cypriot ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Commercial Street

This creative piece explores traces and erasures of a Cypriot Ottoman heritage by transposing autoethnographic and psychogeographical practice to Europe’s southernmost capital, Nicosia. It walks the border zone in Nicosia, once the site of the river Pedios, later a major Ottoman commercial street, a boundary from 1958 to 1974, and since then, a Dead Zone and the internationally contested border between the Republic of Cyprus and the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Photography and writing are presented in conjunction with pages in Ottoman Turkish by my great-grandfather, the poet Imam Mustafa Nuri Effendi, who made a notebook from the English periodical The War Pictorial while incarcerated as an enemy alien in Kyrenia Castle by the British during World War I. I explore how these pages speak of my transcultural Ottoman, Turkish-Greek-Cypriot and English heritages and of changes in Cypriot culture in the century between his war and ours.

Alexander Von Mörk and Poldi Fuhrich: The Conception of Heroes in Cave Exploration in the Early Twentieth Century

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Mattes
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Role Models ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
The Social ◽  
Iconic Status

The Austrians Alexander von Mörk (1887-1914) and Poldi Fuhrich (1898-1926) became two of the leading cave explorers in the early twentieth century. After qualifying as an academic painter, Alexander von Mörk fell as an officer in World War I. Poldi Fuhrich, who worked as a teacher, received international recognition during her lifetime as one of the very few female cave explorers. She died in a cave accident in Styria, Austria. Mörk and Fuhrich achieved iconic status as martyrs of cave science and became role models for speleologists. My research examines the parallels in the conception of these heroic figures and the ‘parameters’ of their memorial. How and to what end was their memory perpetuated and exploited by the following generation of explorers? Expedition diaries, protocols of caving clubs, and obituaries in newspapers are used as sources for analyses. The results show a strong correlation between the commemoration of the fallen soldiers of World War I and the conception of heroic figures in speleology. While the personality cult of Fuhrich declined in the mid-thirties due to the social exclusion of women from the scientific study of caves, Mörk was increasingly celebrated as a mythical and self-sacrificing founder and enthusiastic German nationalist. The commemoration of the deceased in cave science was related to the militarisation of club life during the twenties. This is reflected in the radicalisation of language, the usage of military equipment in cave exploration, and the nomination of military officers as club officials.

scholarly journals Albania and the Education Policies of Italy from the Beginning Until the End of the 30s of the Twentieth Century in Archival Documents and in the Albanian Press in General

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Jani Sota ◽  
Lindita Lutaj
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Education System ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
World War ◽  
Education Policies ◽  
National Education ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Individual Type ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

This paper is dedicated to the education policies of Italy for the expansion and consolidation of Italian schools in Albania, from the point of view of archival documents and the Albanian press at that time. The study focuses primarily on the efforts of the Italian government to organize the education system, establish schools, prepare programs and textbooks, equip schools with the necessary acts, etc., as an attempt to outline the European profile of education in Albania after 1912. As a part of the general analysis on the effects of the Italian schools on the life of Albanian society, would undoubtedly be the analysis of the "individual" type that it produced. On the one hand, the changes after the World War I generated a complex, renewed and more productive national education, but on the other hand, it was highly dependent on the Italian-Albanian education policies, and consequently, oriented towards a more open education system which promoted the cultural tendencies and aspirations of the Albanian nation. New democratic developments in Albania, gave us the opportunity to shed light on Italian-Albanian education policies within the context of the Italian-Albanian relations. Thanks to this, prominent figures left in oblivion, their work for the spread of new pedagogical ideas and the development of Western schools are given the acknowledgment that they deserve. The tendency to embrace and adapt those policies to the conditions of Albania of that time, reflect the important phenomenon of its developments and intellectual thought, so that the school could help more in the civilization and education of the Albanian society.   Received: 12 January 2021 / Accepted: 31 March 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021

scholarly journals SHINY THINGS AND SOVEREIGN LEGALITIES: EXPROPRIATION OF DYNASTIC PROPERTY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND EARLY TURKISH REPUBLIC

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-463
Author(s):  
Ceyda Karamursel
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
World War ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Entry Points ◽  
To Come ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Late Ottoman

AbstractThis article probes the legal expropriation of dynastic property in the late Ottoman Empire and early Turkish Republic. Focused on the period from Abdülhamid II's deposal in 1909 to the decade immediately following the abolition of the caliphate in 1924, it takes parliamentary debates as entry points for exploring how this legislative process redefined the sovereign's relationship with property. Although this process was initially limited only to Yıldız Palace, the debates that surrounded it heuristically helped to shape a new understanding of public ownership of property that was put to use in other contexts in the years to come, most notably during and after World War I and the Armenian genocide, before establishing itself as the foundation of a new ownership regime with the republican appropriation and reuse of property two decades later.

Halide Edib (Adıvar)'s appeal to the American public for justice for the Turks

Belleten ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 67 (249) ◽  
pp. 531-540
Author(s):  
Stanford J. Shaw
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Woman Writer ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Daily News ◽  
The People ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
Kemal Ataturk

This article presents an appeal written in 1919-1920 by Turkey's first major woman writer, novelist and newspaper reporter Halide Edib (Adıvar), to the people of the United States, entrusted to Lewis Edgar Browne, who was covering the Turkish War for Independence and the Russian Revolution and Civil War for the Chicago Daily News while the Paris Peace Conference was going on. Halide Edib believed that the people of the United States were without bias in considering the problems of the Ottoman Empire during and after World War I, and, that, as had been stated in President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, they wanted all the peoples of the Empire, including the Turks, to achieve independence in their own lands following the war. In her statement, she condemned the efforts then being made in Paris to blame on the Turks alone all the excesses and abuses that had gone in the war, pointing out that all the peoples of the Empire had sinned and been sinned against, all had suffered terribly from massacre and starvation, not only the Sultan's Christian subjects, and that the Turks, like the others, therefore deserved to achive independence in the areas of Anatolia and Thrace where they constituted large majorities of the population. In the end, this appeal fell on deaf ears. Halide Edib did not understand that the minds of the people of the Christian West had been so poisoned against Muslims by wartime propaganda that the accusations were being used as pretexts to deny to them rights that were being granted to their Christian neighbors. In the end, it was not such appeals for justice and understanding, then, but the force applied by the Turkish national resistance movement led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk that achived an independent existance for the Empire's Turkish subjects as a result of the Lausanne Conference and the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923.

The End of Ottoman Positivism: The Gökalp-al-Husari Debate of 1916

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 580-583
Author(s):  
Adrien Zakar
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Educational Reform ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Mystical Experience ◽  
Modern Science ◽  
World War ◽  
National Education ◽  
Way Of Thinking ◽  
Definition Of

In the midst of World War I, a group of Ottoman scientists published a debate entitled “National Education” in the 1916 issue of the periodical Muallim (The Teacher). The exchange between the sociologist Ziya Gökalp (1876–1924) and the psychologist Satiʾ al-Husari (1882–1968) started out with different agendas for imperial education and culminated with an outburst regarding the definition of modern science. In his conclusive remarks, al-Husari declared: “I consider [his] way of thinking to be a form of metaphysics and mystics that resembles pantheism.” Al-Husari was a positivist who professed the exclusive authority of empirical data over all immaterial evidence acquired through metaphysics and mystical experience. Yet, his opponent was nothing less, and the accusation was all the more provocative because Gökalp believed that his positivist sociology could become the organizing principle of educational reform.

scholarly journals Listening for Jazz in Post-Armistice Istanbul

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
G. Carole Woodall
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Art Museum ◽  
Arts Organizations ◽  
World War ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Jazz Studies ◽  
Lindy Hop ◽  
History Of ◽  
Origin Story ◽  
Radio Programs

On the evening of 14 July 2013, while living in Istanbul, I walked down Kumbaracı Yokuşu away from the sounds of protest to the city's contemporary art museum. As part of the Istanbul Jazz Festival lineup, the Istanbul Modern screened director Batu Akyol's documentary Türkiye'de Caz (Jazz in Turkey), which gathers interviews with Turkish jazz musicians intimate with the country's jazz scene from the 1940s onward. The emergence of a jazz ecology of musician-composers, entrepreneurs, jazz promoters, and collectors runs in tandem with the history of the Turkish Republic, beginning in the years leading up to and including World War I and gaining momentum in the 1930s and 1940s. The documentary does not present a hermetically sealed nationalist understanding of Turkish jazz, but rather affirms a vibrant celebration of the music. To date, Istanbul's arts organizations host international jazz summer festivals and yearlong jazz programs. There are jazz clubs, radio programs, and magazines that highlight international and local events. Turkish university music departments offer jazz studies and formal performance opportunities for musicians. But there are also informal venues, such as the streets, cafes, and bookstores. While out late in Istanbul when I lived there, I would frequently listen to a lone street musician stationed outside of Narmanlı Han playing “My Funny Valentine” on his trumpet. On more recent trips, I have come across a jazz band playing Dixieland tunes along İstiklal Avenue. This is all to say that Istanbul is a city where one can listen to jazz standards, Dixieland, bebop, cool, and fusion as well as take lindy hop dance lessons from a local group. Although Akyol's documentary uncovers a jazz soundtrack dating to the 1930s that is composed of personal stories of local musicians becoming jazzers, the post-Armistice period (1918–23) remains mute, mired in what I consider to be a standard version of the city's origin story of jazz. I want to consider the case of jazz in post-Armistice Istanbul to think about how master narratives erase some sounds and privilege others.

Liminal Loyalties: Ottomanism and Palestinian Responses to the Turkish War of Independence, 1919–22

2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Awad Halabi
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
World War ◽  
Muslim Identity ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
British Rule ◽  
The Creation

The imposition of British rule in Palestine following World War I did not immediately supplant one imperial system with another or Ottoman identities with national ones. Examining Palestinian responses to the Turkish war of independence, this article argues that the 1917–22 period should be seen as a “liminal” era suspended between imperial systems. Both Kemalists and Palestinians employed a discourse of loyalty to the Ottoman dynasty, Muslim identity, and resistance to European rule to frame their goals. It was only after the creation of the Turkish Republic and the promulgation of the British Mandate, the author argues, that nationalist identities displaced Ottoman ones for both Turks and Palestinians.

scholarly journals On the Pathway to Independence: The Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front (1917)

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Silviu-Marian Miloiu
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
World War ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

When the World War I began Lithuania was on the vanguards of the military operations. Around 60,000 Lithuanians were recruited in the Russian Army and employed on the operational fronts of the war. However, they were not blind performers of Tsarist ambitions, but, as The Amber Declaration showed, nurtured political ambitions of their own. The document issued on 4/17 August 1914 was signed, inter alia, by the patriarch of national credo, Jonas Basanavičius , and clearly affirmed the Lithuanian ideals, i.e. the aim of unifying Lithuania with Lithuania Minor then in German hands and the awarding of an autonomous status to a united Lithuania within the Russian Empire. This article tackles an enticing moment in the process of national rebirth, the Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front held in Bender (Tighina), in southern Bessarabia, on 1-3 November 1917, calling for the creation of a Lithuanian national state. How this congress and the proclamation it issued fitted into the general frame of self-determination movements and Lithuanian national revival of 1917-1918, which led to the rebirth of the Lithuanian state? Who were the conveners and the participants to this congress? What arguments did they put forward in their national-building claims? What role did it play on the pathway to Lithuanian independence? Overlooked in most of the Lithuanian historical treatises, the Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front in Bender City had in fact of greater significance than it allows to be understood when counting solely the relatively lower visibility of its leaders or the direct institutional lineage to the proclamation of independence.

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