scholarly journals Spiders, bullies, monsters or terrorists: What scares Australian children?

2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Linda Gilmore ◽  
Marilyn Campbell

In recent times, Australian children have been exposed to a range of frightening images of war and terrorism in the media. To determine the possible impact of such distal events, fears were measured in a sample of 220 children aged 6 to 12 years using the Fear Survey Schedule for Children (FSSC-R) as well as a free option method. On the FSSC-R, the type and intensity of children’s fears were similar to previous studies conducted over the past two decades, with being hit by a car, bombs and being unable to breathe producing the most fear. By contrast, spontaneous responses indicated that children’s greatest fears were of animals, the dark and being lost. Surprisingly few children mentioned war and terrorism without prompting. The findings suggest that concerns about Australian children becoming more fearful as a result of media coverage of war and terrorism are not supported.

2000 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphael Cohen-Almagor

Abstract: During the past 40 years or so there have been many instances in which media coverage of terrorist events was problematic, evoking public criticism and antagonizing the authorities. The paper opens by mentioning some of the most troubling episodes and then reflects on some incidents that took place in Canada, a country that has not typically suffered from terrorism. The paper focuses on the FLQ crisis in October 1970, arguably the most problematic event of all, and shows that some organs of the French media co-operated with the terrorists because they felt sympathy with the FLQ's basic premise and did not really perceive them as terrorists. The crisis escalated rapidly into a state of national emergency and the War Measures Act was invoked. Some segments of the media played a significant role in provoking the authorities to such a dramatic action. Résumé: Au cours des quarante dernières années à peu près, il est survenu plusieurs incidents où la couverture médiatique d'actes terroristes a posé des problèmes, soulevant la critique du public et éveillant l'antagonisme des autorités. Cet article commence par mentionner quelques-uns des épisodes les plus troublants, après quoi il examine quelques incidents qui ont eu lieu au Canada, un pays qui n'a pas typiquement souffert de terrorisme. L'article se concentre sur la crise du FLQ en octobre 1970, peut-être l'incident le plus problématique parmi tous, et montre que certains organes des médias francophones ont coopéré avec les terroristes parce qu'ils sympathisaient avec la raison d'être fondamentale du FLQ et ne percevaient pas ses membres comme étant réellement des terroristes. La crise s'aggrava rapidement, menant à un état d'urgence nationale, et on invoqua la Loi sur les mesures de guerre. Certains organes médiatiques ont contribué de manière significative à encourager les autorités à prendre ces mesures draconiennes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-38
Author(s):  
Yelena Yermakova

The changing situation in the Arctic due to global warming has prompted media coverage of a supposed “scramble for the Arctic,” an “Arctic boom,” or an “Arctic Bonanza.” Some even go further, deploying the rhetoric of a “New Cold War,” predicting an inevitable clash between the United States and Russia over interests in the region. The press coverage in both countries over the past decade reflects this new sensationalism. The academic literature unequivocally confirms that the press exerts substantial influence on governmental policy makers, and vice versa. However, while scholars agree that international organizations (IOs) are essential to shaping policies, the existing literature lacks research on media’s relationship with IOs, which often struggle to obtain the coverage and publicity they deserve. The Arctic Council has provided an effective platform for constructive dialogue and decision making involving the USA and Russia. Accordingly, despite disagreements in other regions of the world, the two global powers have managed to cooperate in the Arctic – notwithstanding recent media coverage painting a different and incomplete picture. This project surveys the media coverage of the Arctic over the past decade in Russia and the USA and its correlation with the Arctic Council’s activities. The analysis draws upon two prominent news organizations in Russia (Kommersant and Izvestiya) and two in the USA (the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal), as well as the Arctic Council’s press releases from June 2006 to June 2017. The paper finds that there is a clear disconnect between media coverage of the region and the Arctic Council’s activities. It recommends that the media pay more attention to the organization, particularly since it is the only prominent platform for international cooperation in the Arctic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shosuke Sato ◽  
Fumihiko Imamura ◽  
Masahiro Iwasaki ◽  
◽  

In this study, we analyzed big data consisting of news published on the web about the 2016 Kumamoto earthquake over the course of a month and compared it with earthquakes that have occurred in the past. Our findings are summarized as follows: 1) In the case of web news on the Kumamoto earthquake, the “media half-life” of the disaster, or the time it took for media coverage to decrease to half of its peak amount, was one week, which is roughly the same as that of the 2004 Niigata Chuetsu earthquake. 2) The scope of human support corresponded to the scope and coverage of human and material damage, and no municipalities deviated from this, which means that, remarkably, we did not see any disparities in news coverage or human support, as was the case with the Great East Japan Earthquake.


2021 ◽  

Pretrial publicity (PTP) refers to media coverage of criminal and civil cases prior to trial. Every era has its high-profile cases involving individuals and businesses—e.g., Roger Stone, Paul Manafort, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev (Boston Bomber), Enron, Timothy McVeigh, O. J. Simpson, John Hinckley, Patty Hearst, John Mitchell, Sam Shepperd, Bruno Richard Hauptmann (Lindbergh baby kidnapping), Sacco and Vanzetti. Serious and notorious crimes and cases involving celebrities tend to receive the most media attention. Much media attention will operate to the detriment of criminal and civil defendants—reporting may emphasize the dastardliness of the defendant’s actions, the effects of those acts on victims, the evidence against the defendant, opinions about the defendant’s guilt expressed by law enforcement personnel, and the like. Whenever a case receives substantial PTP—and especially when the PTP is negative—questions arise about the likelihood that a defendant can receive a fair trial. The concern is that the substantial PTP will bias prospective jurors against the defendant and result in a verdict driven by PTP rather than trial evidence. Concerns about the media potentially biasing trials pit First Amendment guarantees of a free press against Sixth Amendment rights of defendants to “a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.” Of course, if media coverage has been substantial and negative, a number of questions arise: has the deck been stacked against a defendant? To what extent? How can this be proven? If there is improper bias, what are the solutions—delay the trial? Give the defendant expanded opportunities to find unbiased jurors? Rely on judges to instruct jurors to put aside their biases (and rely on jurors to do so)? Change the trial to another venue—if there is one where the PTP has not been so voluminous or negative? A substantial body of empirical research has developed over the past fifty years that seeks to answer such questions and do so using reliable research methods.


Human Arenas ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Nakkerud

AbstractOver the past decade, the choice of living childfree has increasingly been viewed as a pro-environmental behaviour. Recent research has investigated statistical relations between environmental concern and reproductive attitudes, as well as exploring the processes around actually deciding to live environmentally childfree. Based on increased public attention about the phenomenon, this article employs Michael Billig’s notion of ideological dilemmas to analyse the media coverage of choosing to live environmentally childfree, attempting to answer how these dilemmas influence whether living childfree is perceived as a relevant pro-environmental behaviour. Thirty-one news items were analysed using a synthesis of critical discursive psychology and thematic analysis. The analysis identified five ideological concepts: liberalism, sustainable development, globalism, biologism and humanism. Each of these concepts contains positions supporting and opposing the idea of living environmentally childfree in Norway. These ideological dilemmas seem to weaken the perceived relevance of living environmentally childfree, as the topic is easily dismissed or framed as irrelevant. I therefore conclude that the discourse of living environmentally childfree is analogous to how society generally relates to solutions to the environmental crises.


Author(s):  
David Patrick

Although for decades the Scottish media was rather hostile towards the Scottish Conservatives, over the past few years more sympathetic voices (and even cheerleaders) have emerged for Ruth Davidson in particular and the party more generally. This chapter, by the media academic David Patrick, explores the influence of media representations of the party on the perceived Conservative revival in Scotland. It presents findings from an overview of media coverage of the Scottish Conservative Party between 2011 and 2019, drawing liberally from comment and opinion pieces, political sketches, blogs and magazine profiles. With a particular focus on Ruth Davidson, the chapter argues that the 2014 independence referendum – and a parallel polarisation of Scottish politics – provided Davidson and her party with a necessary platform upon which to build a new identity and relevance.


2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (s2) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kuei-Yuan Wang ◽  
Chien-Kuo Chen ◽  
Hsiao-Chi Wei

The purposes of this paper were to explore the relationship between media coverage and stock returns in Taiwan stock markets. The empirical results were as follows: (1) stock returns showed causality with either media coverage amounts or the degrees of good/bad media coverage; (2) when impacted by the past stock returns, the stock return might finish its response to the impulse around three days and showed a negative effect, whereas when impacted by the past media coverage amounts, the media coverage amount might also finish its response to the impulse within three day and showed a negative effect; (3) when impacted by the degrees of the past good media coverage, the good media coverage degree might finish its response in three days and showed a negative effect, in which a positive effect might be presented on the first two days, while the effect might turn negative on the third day. Given that, when impacted by the past stock returns, the stock return might finish its response to the impulse within three days and showed a negative effect and, when impacted by the degrees of the past good media coverage, the stock return might also finish its response in three days and showed a negative effect. That is, media coverage could be used as an indicator to predict stock returns in the Taiwan stock markets when making investment decisions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 1-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberlianne Podlas

This article considers the media‟s impact on the “legal epidemiology” of the teen sexting epidemic.  Here, “teen sexting epidemic” refers to two things: (1) the belief that sext messaging by teens is rampant and spreading, hence, is an epidemic; and (2) the process by which a piece of information spreads like a virus, came to be understood as a pathogen infecting teens, resulted in a rash of child pornography prosecutions, and erupted into an outbreak of sexting legislation, hence, the epidemiology of the legal issue.  This article argues that the media was both a carrier of this virus, in that it communicated the information and conceptual frameworks that formed the public‟s knowledge base of sexting and its legal implications, and a host environment in which forces interacted and transformed.  To better understand the media‟s role, this article includes an empirical analysis of the past five years of media coverage of teen sexting, and identifying both its temporal and topical trends.  With this quantitative and qualitative base, the article then analyzes the relationship between coverage and the progression of the teen sexting epidemic from a social issue to a legal issue and, ultimately, to an outbreak of “curative” legislation.  In doing so, it focuses on the child pornography prosecutions of teen sexters, the media‟s criticism of that course of action, the reincarnated stories of sext-related suicides, and the nation‟s recent sext-related legislation.


TEME ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 295
Author(s):  
Vedada Baraković ◽  
Mirza Mahmutović

This paper investigates the specific models and patterns of production, dissemination and dynamics of news in the Bosnia and Herzegovina online sphere, as well as the mechanisms which prolong or reduce news cycles. The research assumption is that the news network is created and maintained under the influence of the specifics of journalism, as well as based on the interest of the audience for a particular topic and under the influence of the mainstream influencers who, within the context of political influence, the dominant ideologies and participatory cultures determine the news cycles and create the prevailing discourse. This research was carried out based on the media coverage of the topics related to the recent war history (revision of the verdict by the Hague Tribunal on Bosnia and Herzegovina's lawsuit against Serbia), and on the topics related to the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina (coordination mechanism in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration), all in order to prove that the topics related to the past have an extended lifecycle and a stronger impact on the audience.


Author(s):  
Raphael Cohen-Almagor

Abstract: During the past 40 years there have been many instances in which media coverage of terrorist events was problematic and irresponsible, evoking public criticism and antagonizing the authorities. This article aims to shed light on the intricate relationships between government, media, and terrorists. Through close scrutiny of irresponsible actions of some media outlets in crisis situations in the U.S., the U.K., Israel, Canada, and Germany, it argues that important lessons should be learned, indicating the need to develop a set of guidelines for responsible media coverage of terror. One might think that in this triangle of government, media, and terrorists the media would side with the government in the fight against terror. This study shows that this was not always the case. Résumé : Au cours des quarante dernières années, il y a eu plusieurs situations où la couverture médiatique du terrorisme s’est avérée problématique et irresponsable, suscitant des critiques de la part du public et contrariant les autorités. Cet article vise à mettre au clair les rapports complexes entre le gouvernement, les médias et le terrorisme. En examinant attentivement les actions irresponsables de la part de certains médias lors de crises aux États-Unis, au Royaume-Uni, en Israël, au Canada et en Allemagne, l’article soutient qu’il y a des leçons importantes à apprendre et indique le besoin d’établir des normes sures pour assurer une couverture médiatique du terrorisme qui soit responsable. On supposerait que les médias appuient le gouvernement dans sa lutte contre le terrorisme; pourtant, cette étude montre que ceci n’a pas toujours été le cas.


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