The Hustling Candidate and the Advent of the Direct Primary: A California Case Study

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-64
Author(s):  
John F. Reynolds

Many political scientists and historians attribute the candidate-centered campaign, a defining characteristic of the modern American political system, to the appearance of the direct primary during the Progressive Era. During the nineteenth century, when the major parties selected their nominees in conventions, office seekers maintained a lower profile, and partisan-minded voters were not overly influenced by the personal characteristics of the candidates. Using California as a case study, this essay traces the emergence of a new breed of aggressive office seekers at the turn of the twentieth century. It looks specifically at the canvassing activities of would-be gubernatorial nominees in the weeks leading up to the state convention. In its heyday, the convention system marginalized elective office seekers. The multilayered convention system was too decentralized and complex to be manipulated in the interests any one candidate. Candidates began to exert more influence over the nomination process in the waning years of the nominating convention. The introduction of state regulation of party functions took control of the process out of the hands of local partisan clubs and cliques. Delegates began to be selected on the basis of their affiliation with a gubernatorial candidate. Conventions lost much of their deliberative character, and voting blocs emerged tied to particular candidates through the unit rule. By the time the direct primary appeared on the scene in 1909, the aggressive office seeker was already a fixture on the political landscape. In short, scholars have exaggerated the impact of the shift from indirect to direct nominations and have overlooked the implications of the regulation of political parties when the convention system was still in place. The direct primary was part of a long tradition of reform designed to serve the interests of the parties' office-seeking or office-holding contingent at the expense of the party organization.

Author(s):  
Hemi Mistry

Additional opinions—that is, dissenting opinions, separate opinions, and declarations—are, by definition, the primary institutional mechanism through which judges can express their individual views on a particular decision, as distinct from the judgment or decision proclaimed on behalf of the institution. Therefore, within the public sphere they are the principal institutional manifestation of the individual—and thus the individuality—of the judge. Consequently, for those who seek to understand the impact of certain personal characteristics upon how a judge discharges their professional functions and, in turn, the wider institutional and systemic implications of the participation of individuals bearing those characteristics, the study of additional opinions would seem a useful analytical enterprise. Using gender diversity at the International Court of Justice as a case study, the purpose of this chapter is twofold: first, to explain the relationship between diversity and additional opinions, and second, to explore the methodological potential, and challenges, that the study of additional opinions entails.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 1080-1094
Author(s):  
Juan Pedro Martínez-Ramón ◽  
Inmaculada Méndez ◽  
Cecilia Ruiz Esteban

Students with psychosis in school within the ordinary education system are a reality in the classroom. To study their correct adaptation at school, it is necessary to consider numerous factors such as the personal characteristics of the student, environmental variables, educational measures put in place as well as emotional and cognitive aspects. The aim of this research was to monitor the teaching–learning process of a student diagnosed with psychosis and enrolled in a public school at the secondary level in the ordinary modality with support during an academic year, with the usual resources provided by a guidance department to assess the impact of the educational measures and plans on his emotional and academic fields. This was a single case study in which both qualitative and quantitative information was collected (N = 1). The participant was a student with special needs at the secondary level. An analysis of the results of psychometric tests, plan for diversity, observational analysis, academic file, scholastic history, and multiple interviews were carried out. The findings show how the educational curriculum can be adapted to improve the competences of a student with psychosis by encouraging an increase in social abilities and potential cognitive abilities through the counseling department. The conclusions of this research can provide a guideline for comparison of different educational systems, paying greater attention to the development of emotional aspects, and opting for inclusive measures. In this line, this study shows that students with psychosis can share classrooms and studies with their peers, thus fulfilling the principle of educational inclusion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1343-1359
Author(s):  
Anthony Ridge-Newman

In Britain, by 2015, Web 2.0 had become a more widely accepted and established mode of civic engagement of which political e-participation became an observable extension. However, in the run-up to 2010, social media were newer, less understood and largely associated with younger generations. These changes present questions about how wider technocultural developments impacted political engagement between the 2010 and 2015 UK general elections. This article aims to go some way in examining this question with a theoretical focus on the role of Facebook as a driver of change in political organisation. Using the British Conservative Party as a case study, the article analyses and compares events, observations and shifting power relations associated with digital technology and organisational change observed over two election cycles spanning from 2005 to 2015. A focal aim is to examine changes in Conservative Party campaigns and organisation in order to contribute to wider debates about the impact of digital technology in changing the organisation and activities of actors, like political parties and political participants, in democratic contexts. The article concludes that a complex combination of internal and external, technological and human, and grassroots and centralised factors played roles in changing the Conservative Party.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Rudain Othman Yousif

<p>This study aimed to find the impact of personal selling on the purchasing behavior for youth in buying clothes. To achieve the objectives of the study, hypotheses were formulated and tested on a sample of the target community made up of 289 young men and women. The questionnaire design (32) was divided into five dimensions, four dimensions based on the personal characteristics of salespersons and their display of goods, characteristics of clothing stores, promotion done by salespersons in the sale of clothing, and the fifth focused on youth’s clothes purchasing behavior. The results of the study showed that 76.7% of males and 99.1% of females prefer to purchase from clothing retail stores. The sampling showed that salespersons in retail stores are honest in dealing with their customers but do not have the ability to negotiate with them. They neither have the required sales skill nor play a big role in stimulating sales, and they do not grant discounts to customers. The study recommended the importance of training and qualification for salespersons in personal selling to help them deal truthfully with customers and develop the ability to negotiate. Salespersons should be granted the authority to give discounts to customers.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-917
Author(s):  
Gabriela Borz

Abstract How do parties organise for success in engaging with their diaspora? This study investigates the impact Romanian diaspora has had on national political parties. It develops an argument based on diaspora recognition, engagement and policy as implemented by old and new parties. The analysis shows that recognition of diaspora in party statutes is not a guarantee for engagement. The latter increases with the use of new online communication strategies, provided there is a demand for such communication platforms. New parties with a strong anti-corruption stance mobilise diaspora online. The policy strategy emphasises diaspora support rather than diaspora return as incumbent parties take a gradual approach based on rights and identity promotion, which increases the economic utility of the engagement. The results are based on the analysis of party statutes, governmental documents, party online communication strategies and interviews with party members.


1985 ◽  
Vol 79 (4) ◽  
pp. 1152-1169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Schlesinger

To understand changes taking place within political parties we must work from a realistic theory, one that accepts these parties as office-seeking coalitions. On that premise I lay out three interacting sets of variables: 1) The structure of political opportunities, or the rules for office seeking and the ways they are treated, and 2) the party system, or the competitive relations among parties, define the expectations of politicians, and thus lead them to create 3) party organizations, or the collective efforts to gain and retain office. Hypotheses derived from the relations among these variables allow us to examine changes in American parties in the twentieth century. They explain why the Progressive era reforms, in tandem with the post-1896 party system, produced an uneven distribution of party organization and weak linkages among candidates and officeholders. The same theory also explains why changes taking place since the 1950s are producing greater organizational effort and stronger partisan links among candidates and officeholders.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristie Drucza

This article is a qualitative case study on the political dimensions of social protection reforms in post-conflict Nepal. The article examines vertical versus horizontal party structures and the political economy of support for different parties, and how this relates to their social protection policies to help unpack gaps in the literature and provide a deeper understanding of both the constraints and opportunities for reform. Drawing on key informant interviews conducted in Nepal between 2012 and 2014, the article describes the attitudes of members of the main Nepalese political parties towards social protection, and analyses the proposals on social protection within party manifestos. It discusses the role of social protection in democratisation as well as limitations towards constructing a democratic welfare state grounded in the kind of clientelistic and patronage party politics that continue to dominate the political landscape in Nepal today. The article is relevant to those in the ‘thinking and working politically’ aid movement and those working towards social protection reforms in clientelist states.


Author(s):  
Sergey V. Kistanov ◽  
Galina N. Davydova

Introduction. The centenary of the great Russian revolution actualized the study of unexplored issues in the activities of political parties of the Russian Empire of the early twentieth century. One of them is the study of the direct placement of party groups and organizations in the regions of the country. Materials and methods. As a methodological base of the research the historical-genetic method is used, which allows, using a variety of sources, to recreate a real and objective picture of the essence of this study. Results. The main task is to conduct a study of anti-government activities in relation to the geography of Ardatov district. The placement of groups and individual representatives of the party of S.R. in relation to the district organization is investigated, taking into account the role of the Ardatov organization of the party in their occurrence. It is noted that representatives of the regional party organization took part in the creation of all local groups of S.R. in the district, and members of the district organization were the main agitators and propagandists in this period of time. It should be noted that the activities of the district organization did not affect the District evenly, which makes it possible to identify the areas most susceptible to S.R. influence. Discussion and Conclusions. The study made it possible to clearly structure the placement of S.R. groups and organizations on the territory of Ardatov District. You can say about sort of two S.R. rings located around the Ardatov with a diameter of 5–15 and 30–50 kilometers which were located almost all of S.R. groups, and there were some members of the party in 1905–1908. The most active representatives of the district organizations «processed» the Central and Western part of the district, and the area located to the South-East of Ardatov was not practically felt the impact of S.R. party. Keywords: revolution, the party of socialist-revolutionaries, organization, propaganda, illegal literature, leaflets, meeting, police.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  

Abstract In light of the 2019 European Parliament elections, signs of a deteriorating public health and the rise of populist radical parties elected in office in some Western countries, this urgent workshop focuses on making sense of the impact of politics on public health. There is a clear need for in-depth understanding and more effectively engaging with political processes that affect health. Political science articulates the understanding and improvement of the conditions under which politics is able to produce effective and legitimate solutions to policy problems. It involves a systematic inquiry into basic features of the political economy such as institutions, partisanship and the organization of labour markets. Understanding this political landscape of public health helps to define the political options for organizing effective influence on healthy policies and outcomes. One component in this health political landscape is that of political parties and partisanship. Political parties structure modern politics because they are the teams on which politicians compete for power. They mattered enormously in the post-war years of stable party systems, and their more recent crises and reconstitutions also matter enormously (as a quick look around Western Europe should show). Politicians, and parties, are motivated by the electoral imperative to seek and stay in office. Once elected, politicians on any issue will be looking to claim credit for good outcomes and avoid blame for bad outcomes. If the issue is one that lacks ‘traceability’ such that it produces no obvious credit or blame, politicians will take positions that please their followers and target voters. This workshop presents five studies on political parties and health, asking the questions ‘Do political parties matter to health? What do political parties talk about when they talk about health? And what do they actually do to health?’ In three studies a health screening was performed on political party manifestos and electoral programmes with additional explorative interviews. Two other studies dive into the academic literature on political parties and partisanship and their presumed effect on health and welfare policies. After these five presentations the panel, consisting of dr. Natasha Azzopardi Muscat, dr. Holly Jarman and prof Scott Greer, will briefly reflect upon the findings and implications for public health policy and politics. The participants of the workshop will be engaged in an interactive discussion with the panel and presenters focusing on the questions of (a) whether and how, in participants’ home countries, (radical and other) political parties address and affect health and welfare policies; (b) how participants can analyse this themselves; and (c) how they can act upon this evidence. We end the workshop with five key messages for follow up research and strategy. Key messages The 2019 European Parliament elections, signs of a deteriorating public health and the rise of populist radical parties provide opportunity and necessity to understand and influence health politics. Political party manifesto screening detects possible public health opportunities and threats, but party influence on policies is mediated by party system requirements varying across countries.


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