EDUCATION, EXPEDIENCY, AND DEMOCRATIC DILEMMAS IN WAR TIME: INSIDE THE DEWEY-BOURNE DEBATE

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 438-455
Author(s):  
Christopher McKnight Nichols
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
Progressive Reform ◽  
Randolph Bourne ◽  
Democracy And Education ◽  
The Relationship

In one of the most significant debates in U.S. intellectual history, John Dewey and Randolph Bourne attempted to redefine the relationship between democracy and war in the midst of World War I. This essay argues that the Dewey-Bourne debate is not just a vital dispute over the United States’ role in the war and the world, but that it also must be seen as a crucial moment for understanding fractures in progressive politics and debates over projects that presume to cultivate an educated citizenry. Focusing on Dewey and Bourne's developing ideas from 1914 through 1918, with an emphasis on concepts evolving in and from Dewey's Democracy and Education and Bourne's cultural criticism, the essay explores their core disagreements about the relationship between education and progressive reform, the role of intellectuals in the state, the consequences of intervention in the war and the use of force, and democratic citizenship in national and international contexts. This essay provides insights into the boundaries and pitfalls of liberal politics in the early twentieth century; it argues that this debate reveals a central ambiguity in Dewey's thought, and shows how wartime expediency and potential for progressive influence derailed aspects of the Deweyan project of democratic education.

Anti-Imperialism

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert David Johnson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
World War ◽  
Progressive Movement ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Policy Alternatives ◽  
The Relationship

The birth of the United States through a successful colonial revolution created a unique nation-state in which anti-imperialist sentiment existed from the nation’s founding. Three broad points are essential in understanding the relationship between anti-imperialism and U.S. foreign relations. First, the United States obviously has had more than its share of imperialist ventures over the course of its history. Perhaps the better way to address the matter is to remark on—at least in comparison to other major powers—how intense a commitment to anti-imperialism has remained among some quarters of the American public and government. Second, the strength of anti-imperialist sentiment has varied widely and often has depended upon domestic developments, such as the emergence of abolitionism before the Civil War or the changing nature of the Progressive movement following World War I. Third, anti-imperialist policy alternatives have enjoyed considerably more support in Congress than in the executive branch.

First Americans

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Grillot
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Tribal Sovereignty ◽  
World War ◽  
Native American Identity ◽  
Native American Tribes ◽  
First Americans ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

This book depicts a forgotten history that explores how army veterans returning to reservation life after World War I transformed Native American identity. Drawing from archival sources and oral histories, the book demonstrates how the relationship between Native American tribes and the United States was reinvented in the years following World War I. During that conflict, 12,000 Native American soldiers served in the U.S. Army. They returned home to their reservations with newfound patriotism, leveraging their veteran cachet for political power and claiming all the benefits of citizenship—even supporting the termination policy that ended the U.S. government's recognition of tribal sovereignty.

Liberalism and the Progressive Alliance in the Constituencies, 1900–1914: Three Case Studies

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
George L. Bernstein
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Working Class ◽  
British Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Relationship

The reasons for the decline of the Liberal party in Britain, and its replacement by the Labour party as the representative of the left, continue to be the subject of debate among historians of twentieth-century British politics. An important point at issue has been whether or not the Liberal decline had irreversibly set in prior to World War I; or if the war itself with the strains it placed on liberal ideology and the relationship among the party's most prominent leaders, and with the stimulus it provided for a more militant working class, was the catalyst for decline. There can be no question that the Liberal party was critically dependent upon the support of working-class voters for its viability as an alternative party of government.1 Thus, a major issue of contention among historians of Liberal politics has been the party's success or failure before August 1914 in retaining the allegiance of this crucial electoral base.

scholarly journals Dual Screening, Public Service Broadcasting, and Political Participation in Eight Western Democracies

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristian Vaccari ◽  
Augusto Valeriani
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Positive Contribution ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

We investigate the relationship between political dual screening—that is, watching political contents on television while reading and commenting on them on social media—and political participation across eight Western democracies: Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Based on custom built online surveys conducted between 2015 and 2016 on samples representative of the adult population with internet access in each country, we test hypotheses on both intra-country and cross-country direct and differential effects of political dual screening on various forms of offline and online political participation. We find a positive correlation between the frequency with which citizens dual screen political content and their overall levels of participation. Such correlation is stronger among respondents with lower levels of interest in politics, suggesting that dual screening has the potential to bridge participatory gaps between citizens who are more and less politically involved. The relationship between dual screening and participation is also significantly stronger in countries whose media systems feature the strongest Public Service Broadcasters. Our findings suggest that dual screening makes a positive contribution to democratic citizenship and political equality, and that it can also help public service media fulfill some of their key functions.

Progressive Politics: Wisconsin an Example

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 920-935
Author(s):  
Harold F. Gosnell ◽  
Morris H. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The United States ◽  
North Central ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
Electoral Vote ◽  
The North ◽  
La Follette ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

An examination of the relationship of the Democratic percentages in the various states to the Democratic percentage for the nation as a whole during the past forty years shows that several general patterns are discernible. In the north central and northwestern parts of the United States, one of these patterns may be clearly defined. When the country swings in one direction, the states in this region swing with it, but more strongly than the country as a whole. During the twenties, these states were more decidedly Republican than the nation, but during the thirties they became more strongly Democratic. This tendency to shift from one extreme to another is related to the progressive background of these states of which Wisconsin is typical. “Wisconsin,” “La Follette,” “progressive”—for decades these three terms have been almost indissolubly linked in the minds of politically aware observers of the American scene.While Wisconsin has followed the Republican standard in presidential elections almost without exception from 1870 to 1932, it has shown progressive leanings. In 1912, Robert La Follette, Sr's. sulking greatly cut down the Progressive vote, but it was still large enough to split the normal Republican strength and throw the electoral vote to Wilson, and in 1924 the state went overwhelmingly for its own favorite son.

An Organizational Perspective on the Military-Industrial Complex

1978 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Cuff
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
World War ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Military ◽  
Future Work ◽  
The Relationship

Is there a “military-industrial complex” in the United States? What is the relationship between business, government, and the military with its needs for vast quantities of goods and services? How has organization for war and defense changed since the demands of World War I first made such questions important? How much do we know about what actually happened between World War I and Vietnam to change the relationship between private and public organizations? Professor Cuff discusses the complexities involved in trying to answer such historical questions, and prescribes a professional historian's regimen for future work on this subject.

scholarly journals Progressive Politics and Humanistic Psychology in the Trump/Coronavirus Era

2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (6) ◽  
pp. 778-791
Author(s):  
Elliot Benjamin
Keyword(s):  
Self Care ◽  
The United States ◽  
Humanistic Psychology ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Turbulent Times ◽  
The World ◽  
Care Practices ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

In this article, the author discusses the relationship of progressive politics to humanistic psychology in the Trump/Coronavirus era. The harsh realities of personal fears and severe challenges to our mental health evoked by both the United States presidency of Donald Trump and the coronavirus pandemic are described initially. Then, a number of self-care practices that are consistent with the basic values of humanistic psychology and that we can undertake to help us meet these harsh realities are illustrated. Next, the author describes his own personal engagement and self-care in the world of progressive politics and humanistic psychology in the context of the Resisting Trump movement. The article concludes with the author suggesting that perhaps it may be worthwhile for politically like-minded others to also consider finding ways of merging their progressive politics with humanistic psychology in order to enhance their self-care through these turbulent times in the Trump/Coronavirus era.

scholarly journals Transitional Spaces: Blurring the Line Between Interior and Exterior

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Tucker
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Single Family ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Individual Site ◽  
Small House ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

This paper examines the transition spaces for homes between inside and outside designed by architects during the early twentieth century in the United States. Beginning in the late nineteenth century, the plan book became a readily available option for those wishing to build their own home in the U.S. Following a shortage of single-family houses after World War I, the design of small, single-family houses were distributed primarily through the plan book vehicle. One such plan book-producing group was the Architects’ Small House Service Bureau (ASHSB). The bureau was composed entirely of registered architects and produced multiple folios of small house plans between 1914 and 1942. This paper focuses specifically on the relationship between the interior spaces and outdoors through the use of loggias, pergolas, sun porches, bay windows and other devices. The ASHSB was unique in that they promoted customization of their mass-produced house plan designs to each individual site. Thus, unlike many other plan book creators, ASHSB members determined that the relationship to the site was important to the overall design and the use of these transitional indoor/outdoor spaces, a necessity. The plans designed by ASHSB members fell into one of three sizes — four-room, five-room or six-room plan types. The maximum number of principal rooms was six. All small house designs were presented within a rendered landscaped setting showing trees, bushes, benches and other landscaping features. At least one of the following -- porticoes, porches, dormers, bay windows, picture windows, port coheres, and sun porches—was used in every design produced by the ASHSB architect members. This work examines the range and type of spaces as well as the written recommendations and specifications that accompanied plan sets distributed by the ASHSB across the U.S and Canada during the early twentieth century.

JOHN DEWEY AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PEACE EDUCATION IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Howlett ◽  
Audrey Cohan
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Peace Education ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Peace Movement ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
World War ◽  
Democratic Reform ◽  
Democracy And Education ◽  
Outlawry Of War

As 2016 is the centennial of Dewey's most famous work, Democracy and Education (1916), it is imperative to consider Dewey's role as a public intellectual. In reflection of how he framed his most famous work—as an instrument for helping people think about democratic reform—the authors examined John Dewey's beliefs about the importance of peace as applied to the American view. This essay journals Dewey as an important contributor to the American peace movement in terms of both thought and activity, especially in the post-World War I period. Dewey argued that the responsibility of schools in a democratic society is to teach cooperation and understanding and not simply rely on notions of patriotism and allegiance as often presented in schools. His World War I experience alerted him to the need for transforming schools as seminaries of patriotism into instruments for global understanding. The authors also offered specific examples as to how his instrumentalist philosophy, including his involvement in the Outlawry of War campaign in the 1920s, has been a cornerstone of peace education efforts in the United States over the past one hundred years and what has been their effectiveness.

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