The Politics of Financial Reform in Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand: When, Why, and How Democracy Matters?

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-240
Author(s):  
Byung-Kook Kim

This article analyzes the impact of political regime and state bureaucracy on policy responses to the 1997 financial crisis in Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand. The political regime type — classified broadly into democracy and authoritarianism — is found to shape the direction of policy responses by influencing the political elites' understanding on causes, processes, and consequences of the crisis, whereas the state bureaucracy — classified into hybrid and Weberian types — decides the implementation of reform plans by determining the power of big business to resist policy change, as well as the state's organizational capacity to counter that resistance. The article argues that only when the political regime is democratic and the state Weberian will comprehensive — as opposed to partial — reform succeed.

Author(s):  
Dmitry Voitenko ◽  

Public opinion formed in the conditions of the political regime and determined by political and legal processes, the activity of their subjects, the media, the impact of globalization on the information openness of the state, legal unification, and legal and cultural dynamics. Opinion manifests and forms consciousness and acts as an element of the institutions of society. Its mechanism manifested in the behavior of subjects, motivated by changes in the content of their judgments. Public opinion contains emotional and mental judgments and carry out evaluative, analytical, regulatory functions. Political and legal judgments formed in the channels of communication between the public and the authorities, objectified in the form of analytical comments by experts and the media. Public opinion is a collective value judgment, has a communicative nature, is formed in the context of changes in the technologies of social dialogue, and opinion becomes a factor of public administration. The peculiarity of interaction between public opinion and government reflects the relationship between the state, law and society and gives rise to political and legal regimes of interaction between government and public opinion. Their originality depends on the type of attitude of the state power towards it. Especially in the context of a democratic transition for societies with an unstable hybrid form of political regime, which are delimited depending on the democracy of electoral laws, consideration of opinions in laws, forms of discussions with the authorities and forms of expression of opinions. In the methodology of public opinion research, factor analysis is advisable since it significantly directed by laws and is a significant factor in influencing the dynamics of legislation - the legal basis of government institutions and the private sphere of society. Information technologies are a resource of power and turn public opinion into an object of influence. It reveals the risks of the impact of hidden, latent public opinion and the purposeful formation of artificial, pseudo-public opinion by the authorities as result of the use of methods of manipulating power resources in the legal sphere. This preserves the ability for the authorities to change the markers of public opinion and artificially create the appearance of legitimate grounds to lobby for the content of legal policy, the drafting of laws, and law enforcement decisions, which is desirable for public authorities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Körösényi

Most political science interpretations of the post-2010 Orbán regime have been written either within the framework of populism or in the democratization paradigm. We have learned much from these papers about Hungary’s drift in an authoritarian direction, but they also have drawbacks. This article aims to fill the gap between these two approaches and offers a theoretical framework to analyze the impact of populism and other trends of contemporary politics (like de-alignment, growing electoral volatility, citizens’ disengagement, personalization, legitimacy problems, the decline of party membership and partisanship, the mediatization of politics, etc.) on the political regime. It argues that these trends add up to an authority and regime type that can be conceptualized by Weber’s concept of plebiscitary leader democracy (PLD). PLD forms a new hybrid regime type that differs from comparative authoritarianism and other hybrid regime types known from the literature in three respects. First, PLD is less about institutional framework and procedures than about the sources of legitimacy; second, it serves better to understand how the regime works than measuring its distance from liberal democracy; third, it is an ideal type that aims to reveal the endogenous logic of democracy that generates authoritarian elements of the regime. The article also demonstrates the suitability of the concept of PLD for empirical research through presenting a structured case study of the Orbán regime. The PLD model enables us to reveal the endogenous logic of the Orbán regime and the impact of populist governance on it.


Author(s):  
Г. А. Лавриненко

The article includes multivariate approaches to the interpretation of definitions identification and identity. Differentiation these concepts based on the conclusion that identity is understood as a certain state of the end result of self-identification. And by identification is meant the process that leads to identity as a state and is an identification of oneself with another person. Also we clarified the definition of political identification as a process of becoming an individual’s perception of himself and his place in the world. The study characterized the significance of the manifestation of a two-stage identity and antinomy structure in the process of political identification of society. In addition, the research assessed the impact of the political regime on identification capabilities. For example, in a democracy identification is translational, in an authoritarianism identification can be restricted by the state or imposed by leadership and influence groups. Under totalitarianism the state empowers itself to exercise a decisive collective choice in matters of political identification of the population without receiving their official consent and disregarding their preference. Moreover, the investigation considered in detail the process of forming a Soviet society based on the creation of a new historical community of the «Soviet people» as a supranational construct. The advantage of research is in detection of number of measures which used by the Soviet authorities concerning identify the «Soviet people» for the consolidation and unification of the population of the country (creation of a new format of Soviet schools and public movements characterized by ideological indoctrination and fostering devotion to the Soviet state, the restoration of symbiosis in a heterogeneous society through the territorial distribution of young professionals and men for military service, the formation of centers of interethnic contacts, relaying of unifying discourse through the media, creating «single national farms»). In the context of the study of the causes of the collapse of the USSR, we found that ignoring differences and forced identification, which was imposed by the ideological top of the USSR, only delayed the confrontation process both within society and with the political leadership of the country. Also, we have characterized causal relationship between compulsory identification and the collapse of the USSR. To sum up we can say that universalism in the approach to the formation of new supranational constructs without taking into account the universal system-forming factors of the nation has shown its non-viability in the long-term development of society and the state. As a result the historical community artificially created, which was based on forced collectivization and on proclaimed «cult of the people», and later on propagation didn`t become a viable social formation, which gave rise to a further crisis of identification, which provoked the growth of national-democratic tendencies.


Author(s):  
Tamar Hermann

In Israel, as in many other countries, the impact of public opinion on national policymaking has increased dramatically over the last few decades. In fact, public opinion has practically developed into one of the prime political inputs in Israel. This chapter argues that this increased impact, which could have contributed to improving the Israeli democracy, is in fact often undermined by the increasing overlapping of the main cleavages within Israel: between the political Right and Left, between Jews and Arabs, and between religious and secular Israelis. This extreme overlapping has severely eroded the national consensus and accelerated the emergence of deep disagreements in public opinion over strategic issues, such as the nature of the state (Jewish? Democratic?), the main challenges facing the nation (including the best way of dealing with the protracted Israeli–Palestinian conflict), and the desired collective future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Omer Solodoch

Abstract In response to the political turmoil surrounding the recent refugee crisis, destination countries swiftly implemented new immigration and asylum policies. Are such countercrisis policies effective in mitigating political instability by reducing anti-immigrant backlash and support for radical-right parties? The present study exploits two surveys that were coincidentally fielded during significant policy changes, sampling respondents right before and immediately after the change. I employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the short-term causal effect of the policy change on public opinion within a narrow window of the sampling period. The findings show that both Swedish border controls and the EU–Turkey agreement significantly reduced public opposition to immigration in Sweden and Germany, respectively. In Germany, support for the AfD party also decreased following the new policy. Public opinion time trends suggest that the policy effects were short lived in Sweden but durable in Germany. These effects are similar across different levels of proximity to the border and are accompanied by increasing political trust and a sense of government control over the situation. The findings have implications for understanding the impact of border controls on international public opinion, as well as for assessing the electoral effect of policy responses to global refugee crises.


Author(s):  
Serhii O. Komnatnyi ◽  
Oleg S. Sheremet ◽  
Viacheslav E. Suslykov ◽  
Kateryna S. Lisova ◽  
Stepan D. Svorak

The article deals with the mechanism of impact of sociopsychological phenomena such as the national character and the political mentality in the construction and functioning of civil society. It aims to show the impact of climate, religion, and the perception of happiness on the state of civil society through details of a national nature. The main research method is to compare data from global research on the state of civil society with data from climatic conditions, dominant religions, and happiness indices. The article proves coincidently that these factors are reflected in such essential characteristics of civil society as "openness" and "closed-mindedness". The interaction between the national character and the construction of civil society has two stages. It is concluded that the results obtained are important to evaluate the prospects for the construction and development of civil society in different countries and regions of the world. Further research in this direction involves the study of other aspects of the impact of national character and political mindset on the functioning of civil society.


لارك ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 275-306
Author(s):  
عطا الله سليمان الحديثي ◽  
إسراء كاظم الحسيني

Abstract: The economic elements are of great importance to the componential structure of the Malaysian society. Moreover, the economic structure represents one of the major elements of a state might. The economic potentials of a state include whatever resources it has or whatever it can get to achieve its strategies or the self-sufficiency of its people in wartime. In peacetime, on the other hand, the state should depend on a strong economic base that helps achieve a completion to its parts and a basic element of its internal political integrity. Accordingly, the various types of the economic resources with respect to the production, exchange, and consumption represent one of the influential factors that affect the political behavior of a state- the way of its thinking, saying, decision-making, and actions. Much of the political behavior of a state comes from its economic background within its territory. However, the factor that plays a significant role in determining the actual might of a state is the number of population a state has and its ability in investing its resources. From this vantage, Malaysia represents one of the economically rich countries owing to its various natural resources. Furthermore, both trade and transport help a great deal in redistributing the economic resources of Malaysia. For the latter importance, the present work is to showcase in detail the role the economic factors play in achieving the stability and integrity of Malaysia and its people. Besides, it sheds light on the impact of ethnic diversity and the strategic position in the world on the overall stability of the state.                          


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (824) ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
Alexander Clarkson

European integration based on a supranational form of pooled sovereignty has taken on increasingly state-like qualities. With every move toward absorbing additional members, the European Union system has expanded its geographic reach. The state-like power of the EU is apparent in the impact its integration processes have had in societies just outside its borders. Its growing influence is most notable in misfit border territories, from Kaliningrad to Transnistria, and from Cyprus to Northern Ireland, that are tenuously under the political control of neighboring geopolitical powers.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Johannsen

Using secondary data from 21 post-communist countries, a map of urban–rural cleavages is produced. The findings are that while persistent cleavages exist with respect to attitudes toward the state, the market and traditional institutions, these cleavages have yet to be institutionalized within the political system. Deviations from the generalized pattern can typically be explained by the intrusion of the state-building process into the urban–rural cleavage structure. Furthermore, it is argued that the lack of institutionalization has led to a situation in which state and political elites have gained increased autonomy.


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