scholarly journals Community «soviet people» as the universal political identity of the Soviet Citizens

Author(s):  
Г. А. Лавриненко

The article includes multivariate approaches to the interpretation of definitions identification and identity. Differentiation these concepts based on the conclusion that identity is understood as a certain state of the end result of self-identification. And by identification is meant the process that leads to identity as a state and is an identification of oneself with another person. Also we clarified the definition of political identification as a process of becoming an individual’s perception of himself and his place in the world. The study characterized the significance of the manifestation of a two-stage identity and antinomy structure in the process of political identification of society. In addition, the research assessed the impact of the political regime on identification capabilities. For example, in a democracy identification is translational, in an authoritarianism identification can be restricted by the state or imposed by leadership and influence groups. Under totalitarianism the state empowers itself to exercise a decisive collective choice in matters of political identification of the population without receiving their official consent and disregarding their preference. Moreover, the investigation considered in detail the process of forming a Soviet society based on the creation of a new historical community of the «Soviet people» as a supranational construct. The advantage of research is in detection of number of measures which used by the Soviet authorities concerning identify the «Soviet people» for the consolidation and unification of the population of the country (creation of a new format of Soviet schools and public movements characterized by ideological indoctrination and fostering devotion to the Soviet state, the restoration of symbiosis in a heterogeneous society through the territorial distribution of young professionals and men for military service, the formation of centers of interethnic contacts, relaying of unifying discourse through the media, creating «single national farms»). In the context of the study of the causes of the collapse of the USSR, we found that ignoring differences and forced identification, which was imposed by the ideological top of the USSR, only delayed the confrontation process both within society and with the political leadership of the country. Also, we have characterized causal relationship between compulsory identification and the collapse of the USSR. To sum up we can say that universalism in the approach to the formation of new supranational constructs without taking into account the universal system-forming factors of the nation has shown its non-viability in the long-term development of society and the state. As a result the historical community artificially created, which was based on forced collectivization and on proclaimed «cult of the people», and later on propagation didn`t become a viable social formation, which gave rise to a further crisis of identification, which provoked the growth of national-democratic tendencies.

Author(s):  
Dmitry Voitenko ◽  

Public opinion formed in the conditions of the political regime and determined by political and legal processes, the activity of their subjects, the media, the impact of globalization on the information openness of the state, legal unification, and legal and cultural dynamics. Opinion manifests and forms consciousness and acts as an element of the institutions of society. Its mechanism manifested in the behavior of subjects, motivated by changes in the content of their judgments. Public opinion contains emotional and mental judgments and carry out evaluative, analytical, regulatory functions. Political and legal judgments formed in the channels of communication between the public and the authorities, objectified in the form of analytical comments by experts and the media. Public opinion is a collective value judgment, has a communicative nature, is formed in the context of changes in the technologies of social dialogue, and opinion becomes a factor of public administration. The peculiarity of interaction between public opinion and government reflects the relationship between the state, law and society and gives rise to political and legal regimes of interaction between government and public opinion. Their originality depends on the type of attitude of the state power towards it. Especially in the context of a democratic transition for societies with an unstable hybrid form of political regime, which are delimited depending on the democracy of electoral laws, consideration of opinions in laws, forms of discussions with the authorities and forms of expression of opinions. In the methodology of public opinion research, factor analysis is advisable since it significantly directed by laws and is a significant factor in influencing the dynamics of legislation - the legal basis of government institutions and the private sphere of society. Information technologies are a resource of power and turn public opinion into an object of influence. It reveals the risks of the impact of hidden, latent public opinion and the purposeful formation of artificial, pseudo-public opinion by the authorities as result of the use of methods of manipulating power resources in the legal sphere. This preserves the ability for the authorities to change the markers of public opinion and artificially create the appearance of legitimate grounds to lobby for the content of legal policy, the drafting of laws, and law enforcement decisions, which is desirable for public authorities.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-240
Author(s):  
Byung-Kook Kim

This article analyzes the impact of political regime and state bureaucracy on policy responses to the 1997 financial crisis in Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand. The political regime type — classified broadly into democracy and authoritarianism — is found to shape the direction of policy responses by influencing the political elites' understanding on causes, processes, and consequences of the crisis, whereas the state bureaucracy — classified into hybrid and Weberian types — decides the implementation of reform plans by determining the power of big business to resist policy change, as well as the state's organizational capacity to counter that resistance. The article argues that only when the political regime is democratic and the state Weberian will comprehensive — as opposed to partial — reform succeed.


Author(s):  
Tamar Hermann

In Israel, as in many other countries, the impact of public opinion on national policymaking has increased dramatically over the last few decades. In fact, public opinion has practically developed into one of the prime political inputs in Israel. This chapter argues that this increased impact, which could have contributed to improving the Israeli democracy, is in fact often undermined by the increasing overlapping of the main cleavages within Israel: between the political Right and Left, between Jews and Arabs, and between religious and secular Israelis. This extreme overlapping has severely eroded the national consensus and accelerated the emergence of deep disagreements in public opinion over strategic issues, such as the nature of the state (Jewish? Democratic?), the main challenges facing the nation (including the best way of dealing with the protracted Israeli–Palestinian conflict), and the desired collective future.


Author(s):  
Serhii O. Komnatnyi ◽  
Oleg S. Sheremet ◽  
Viacheslav E. Suslykov ◽  
Kateryna S. Lisova ◽  
Stepan D. Svorak

The article deals with the mechanism of impact of sociopsychological phenomena such as the national character and the political mentality in the construction and functioning of civil society. It aims to show the impact of climate, religion, and the perception of happiness on the state of civil society through details of a national nature. The main research method is to compare data from global research on the state of civil society with data from climatic conditions, dominant religions, and happiness indices. The article proves coincidently that these factors are reflected in such essential characteristics of civil society as "openness" and "closed-mindedness". The interaction between the national character and the construction of civil society has two stages. It is concluded that the results obtained are important to evaluate the prospects for the construction and development of civil society in different countries and regions of the world. Further research in this direction involves the study of other aspects of the impact of national character and political mindset on the functioning of civil society.


لارك ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 275-306
Author(s):  
عطا الله سليمان الحديثي ◽  
إسراء كاظم الحسيني

Abstract: The economic elements are of great importance to the componential structure of the Malaysian society. Moreover, the economic structure represents one of the major elements of a state might. The economic potentials of a state include whatever resources it has or whatever it can get to achieve its strategies or the self-sufficiency of its people in wartime. In peacetime, on the other hand, the state should depend on a strong economic base that helps achieve a completion to its parts and a basic element of its internal political integrity. Accordingly, the various types of the economic resources with respect to the production, exchange, and consumption represent one of the influential factors that affect the political behavior of a state- the way of its thinking, saying, decision-making, and actions. Much of the political behavior of a state comes from its economic background within its territory. However, the factor that plays a significant role in determining the actual might of a state is the number of population a state has and its ability in investing its resources. From this vantage, Malaysia represents one of the economically rich countries owing to its various natural resources. Furthermore, both trade and transport help a great deal in redistributing the economic resources of Malaysia. For the latter importance, the present work is to showcase in detail the role the economic factors play in achieving the stability and integrity of Malaysia and its people. Besides, it sheds light on the impact of ethnic diversity and the strategic position in the world on the overall stability of the state.                          


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (824) ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
Alexander Clarkson

European integration based on a supranational form of pooled sovereignty has taken on increasingly state-like qualities. With every move toward absorbing additional members, the European Union system has expanded its geographic reach. The state-like power of the EU is apparent in the impact its integration processes have had in societies just outside its borders. Its growing influence is most notable in misfit border territories, from Kaliningrad to Transnistria, and from Cyprus to Northern Ireland, that are tenuously under the political control of neighboring geopolitical powers.


Author(s):  
Tuuli-Marja Kleiner ◽  
Reinhold Melcher

This study investigates how moral values structure the left/right identification of citizens. Specifically, this chapter reconnoitres how moral attitudes relate to the political fringes on both sides compared to economic attitudes. Using pooled data drawn from the World Value Survey (WVS) and the European Value Survey (EVS), this chapter calculates point-biseral correlation coefficients for 12 European countries at different points in time (1982-2014). The findings indicate that (1) both cultural and economic aspects determine mass political identification, (2) the significance of cultural aspects seems higher in traditional countries, (3) all influences remain largely stable over time. In addition, (4) this chapter identifies an unexpected pattern: while the economic dimension structures the political realm quite evenly, moral orientations seem to be divided into the ‘moral universalists' on the left pole and the ‘moral conservatives', who consider themselves as either moderate or rightist.


Author(s):  
David Paternotte ◽  
Massimo Prearo

Four moments can be identified in the development of LGBT activism in France: the tensions between private actions and acting publicly (1954–1974), the movement as an activist project (1974–1989), the first attempts of institutionalization (1989–1994), and the emergence of a space of LGBT activism (1994–2013). These moments are identified based on the nature of the collective action, the internal structure of the movement, the representativeness of national collectives, and the political plurality of the community of the LGBT movement. They show the nonlinear trajectory of the LGBT movement in France and confirm that the project of an LGBT movement, a structured and representative national organization, has never been fully achieved in the country. Two characteristics of the French political and social system contribute to explain this situation: a strong and inaccessible state that transcends civil society, and the impact of Republicanism. The closure of the French state, which restricts the opportunities available to activists, has had a significant impact on activism. It not only contributes to the individualization of protest, but also leads to a radicalization of activism, a limited duration of groups over time, and a lack of centralization, institutionalization, and NGOization of social movement organizations. This closure partly results from the Republicanist ideology, which requires the state to transcend civil society groups and the particular interests they would defend in favor of so-called general will. If the development of Republican ideas has historically facilitated the development of LGBT rights, Republicanism has more recently prevented LGBT activists from articulating a specific political identity.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yitzhak M. Brudny ◽  
Evgeny Finkel

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia’s slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites’ preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.


Subject The impact of the failed July coup on civilian-military relations. Significance The psychological impacts of the attempted coup across political life cannot be understated; it has far-reaching implications for the political, bureaucratic and even ideological structures of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). In the aftermath of the attempted putsch, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is more determined than ever to alter the civilian-military machinery of government in Turkey radically. Impacts The purge and radical reforms will bring into question the TSK's operational and strategic reliability for Western partners. A permanently weakened TSK would ease the way for constitutional reforms strengthening Erdogan's grip on the state. It will take years to rebuild the confidence and prestige the military has lost among broad swathes of Turkish society. Any criticism of the TSK reforms, domestically or from abroad, will meet the authorities' fierce condemnation.


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