Breaking Authoritarian Bonds: The Political Origins of the Taiwan Administrative Procedure Act

2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeeyang Rhee Baum

Taiwan recently adopted a series of administrative reform laws designed to make the bureaucracy more transparent and allow public participation in regulatory policies. Because administrative reform limits the executive's power, it is clear why legislatures would favor strict administrative procedures. But it is less clear why presidents would support them. The passage of these laws begs the question why presidents support administrative procedural reforms designed to restrict their abilities to act freely. I argue that in Taiwan, President Lee Teng-hui's control of his party deteriorated as factional disputes within his own party increased over time. Lee ultimately concluded that the Kuomintang's political survival depended on major reforms. Consequently, the status quo-oriented bureaucracy—hitherto an important source of support for Lee and his key constituencies—became an impediment. Lee supported Taiwan's Administrative Procedure Act in order to reduce the bureaucracy's capacity to impede reform. More generally, I argue that administrative procedures designed to open up the bureaucracy to the public, including previously excluded groups, can serve politicians' goal of redirecting the bureaucracy. Archival data, secondary sources, and interviews with key presidential advisers, senior career bureaucrats, and politicians support my argument.

2019 ◽  
pp. 170-173
Author(s):  
O. H. Pohrebniak

The article defines certain peculiarities of administrative proceedings of state registration of marriage and establishment of paternity in Ukraine. It has been established that the procedures for state registration of acts of civil status are types of administrative procedures, it should first be noted that the general normative act which should define the notions and peculiarities of such procedures should be the Law of Ukraine “On the administrative procedure” 2018, which at present time is a project and submitted to the VerkhovnaRada of Ukraine for consideration. As a rule, scholars agree that the administrative procedure is directly related to the activities of the public administration and is an established algorithm for the functioning of the subjects of power. In this case, the procedures for state registration of acts of civil status are no exception. They are a kind of administrative procedures and implemented by state authorities, and in certain cases, and by local self-government bodies. At the same time having its own peculiarities regarding the procedure for implementation and the subject structure of such procedures. It has been established that the modern development of domestic administrative legislation and the practice of its application testifies that at present the administrative procedure as an independent component of administrative law has not yet been fully formed, although, given the active theoretical developments of the representatives of the administrative and legal science on the pages of scientific, journalistic and educational publications concerning the concept, features, types and structure of administrative procedures, and referring to the active legislative development of this tyranny, it is safe to say that the process of the administrative procedure in the structure of administrative law is actively continuing. Therefore, on the basis of theoretical developments and practical features, the author’s understanding of the concept of “administrative procedure of state registration of acts of civil status” is determined. In addition, given the specific features of administrative proceedings for state registration of civil status acts, as well as for a more complete clarification of the status and authority of all participants in certain administrative procedures, the necessary additional introduction of the concept of “implementation of the administrative procedure” is argued. Such category will allow to find out the place, role and authority not only of the administrative body, but also other participants in administrative proceedings. Thus, under the implementation of an administrative procedure, it should be understood as the observance, execution, use and application of procedural steps directed at the consideration and resolution of an administrative case.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Antonio C. Cuyler

This article represents a snapshot and analysis of U. S. service arts organizations’ DEI statements and activities in 2018. At that time, many primarily White-serving U. S. cultural organizations responded defensively to accusations of elitism and a harmful rigged funding system that maintained the status quo by awarding most cultural funding to these organizations while undermining the health and vitality of cultural organizations by and for historically oppressed communities (Sidford, 2011). Furthermore, Helicon Collaborative (2017) found that even with a host of cultural equity, “diversity” projects (Tseng 2016), and public-facing DEI statements, little had changed within six years. Therefore, this study uses directed and summative content analysis to investigate the research question “what do cultural equity and diversity statements communicate about cultural organizations’ positions on DEI?” This study also uses Frankfurt’s (2005) essay On Bullshit and Laing’s (2016) two-prong definition of accountability as a theoretical framework to examine if and how cultural organizations hold themselves accountable for achieving DEI in the creative sector. Lastly, readers should keep in mind that the public murder of Geor-ge Floyd in 2020 has hastened all of the service arts organizations’ access, diversity, equity, and inclusion (ADEI) work examined in this study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Myles Carroll

This article considers the role played by discourses of nature in structuring the cultural politics of anti-GMO activism. It argues that such discourses have been successful rhetorical tools for activists because they mobilize widely resonant nature-culture dualisms that separate the natural and human worlds. However, these discourses hold dubious political implications. In valorizing the natural as a source of essential truth, natural purity discourses fail to challenge how naturalizations have been used to legitimize sexist, racist and colonial systems of injustice and oppression. Rather, they revitalize the discursive purchase of appeals to nature as a justification for the status quo, indirectly reinforcing existing power relations. Moreover, these discourses fail to challenge the critical though contingent reality of GMOs' location within the wider framework of neoliberal social relations. Fortunately, appeals to natural purity have not been the only effective strategy for opposing GMOs. Activist campaigns that directly target the political economic implications of GMOs within the context of neoliberalism have also had successes without resorting to appeals to the purity of nature. The successes of these campaigns suggest that while nature-culture dualisms remain politically effective normative groundings, concerns over equity, farmers' rights, and democracy retain potential as ideological terrains in the struggle for social justice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Cavaliere

The benefits of full ectogenesis, that is, the gestation of human fetuses outside the maternal womb, for women ground many contemporary authors’ arguments on the ethical desirability of this practice. In this paper, I present and assess two sets of arguments advanced in favour of ectogenesis: arguments stressing ectogenesis’ equality-promoting potential and arguments stressing its freedom-promoting potential. I argue that although successfully grounding a positive case for ectogenesis, these arguments have limitations in terms of their reach and scope. Concerning their limited reach, I contend that ectogenesis will likely benefit a small subset of women and, arguably, not the group who most need to achieve equality and freedom. Concerning their limited scope, I contend that these defences do not pay sufficient attention to the context in which ectogenesis would be developed and that, as a result, they risk leaving the status quo unchanged. After providing examples of these limitations, I move to my proposal concerning the role of ectogenesis in promoting women’s equality and freedom. This proposal builds on Silvia Federici’s, Mariarosa Dalla Costa’s and Selma James’ readings of the international feminist campaign ‘Wages for Housework’. It maintains that the political perspective and provocation that ectogenesis can advance should be considered and defended.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor G Gates ◽  
Margery C Saunders

Workers who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ)-identified have always been a part of the workplace in the United States, yet there has been a lack of awareness about how to advocate for the needs of these people. This lack of awareness was challenged by Congresswoman Bella Abzug. Abzug’s campaign for creating an equal working environment for sexual minorities initiated gradual changes in the public discourse concerning workplace and other broad equality measures for these communities. To frame these gradual transformations within a historical context, we use Lewin’s force field analysis framework to examine the change efforts of Abzug. Abzug had beginning success in thawing the status quo yet her visions for equality for LGBTQ people have yet to be realized. Using Abzug’s social action as an example, this article concludes that allies must continue to challenge societal oppression, power, and privilege and to demand civil rights protections for LGBTQ individuals.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Stacey Wellington

<p>The mechanics of Athenian society in many ways empowered citizen women as essential components of their community. This reality, being at odds with Athens’ pervasive patriarchal ideology, was obscured by men anxious to affirm the status quo, but also by women who sought to represent themselves as ‘ideal’ examples of their sex. Using the votive offerings dedicated by women to Athena on the Athenian Acropolis in the Archaic and Classical periods as a basis, this thesis explores such tensions between the implicit value of Athenian women, which prompted them to engage meaningfully with their wider community, and the ideological edict for their invisibility. This discussion is based primarily on two points: firstly, that the naming of a male family member in votive inscriptions denotes female citizen status, thus articulating citizen women’s independent value and prestige within the polis; and secondly that the ubiquity of working women among the dedicators, and value of the offerings themselves, reveals women as controlling financial resources to a more significant extent than other sources would have us believe. In both cases, the actual value and authority of the female dedicators is concealed as the women aimed for a perception of conspicuous invisibility to legitimise their engagement with the public sphere.</p>


Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.


2020 ◽  
pp. 140-150
Author(s):  
В. О. Кінзбурська

In the article the author defines the list of administrative procedures of interaction of state bodies with the public, which includes the procedures that arise in connection with: 1) public consultations (organization and conduct of public discussions of regulations); 2) the study of public opinion; 3) involvement of the public in the work of commissions established under public authorities; 4) exercising public control and supervision; 5) carrying out information activities of state bodies (publication of public information about the work of state bodies, providing answers to public requests for information); 6) activities of public councils in terms of interaction with state bodies (conducting public consultations, conducting public monitoring, holding meetings of the public council and making decisions of a recommendatory nature); 7) submission of appeals and requests for information (application of administrative procedures). The author analyzes some administrative procedures of interaction of state bodies with the public, namely: conducting public consultations and studying public opinion. The key features of the administrative procedure of public consultations are identified, which include: its dual form of implementation, as such consultations can be carried out both in person and via the Internet; availability of mandatory and optional stages; close connection with other administrative procedure related to the implementation of information activities of public authorities; obligatory documentation of the result in the form of a report, and in case of a face-to-face consultation with the public, also a protocol; the possibility of initiating this procedure by both entities government agencies and civil society institutions. It is noted that the administrative procedure for the study of public opinion is similar to the general administrative procedure for public consultation, but has its differences, in particular: it is initiated exclusively by state bodies (executive authorities); has no optional stages; provides for competitive selection among the subjects of public opinion polls, ie in fact it is a different administrative procedure for competitive selection; does not require logging, and the main document for the implementation of such a procedure is a report.


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