scholarly journals Fusing subnational with national climate action is central to decarbonization: the case of the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan E. Hultman ◽  
Leon Clarke ◽  
Carla Frisch ◽  
Kevin Kennedy ◽  
Haewon McJeon ◽  
...  

Abstract Approaches that root national climate strategies in local actions will be essential for all countries as they develop new nationally determined contributions under the Paris Agreement. The potential impact of climate action from non-national actors in delivering higher global ambition is significant. Sub-national action in the United States provides a test for how such actions can accelerate emissions reductions. We aggregated U.S. state, city, and business commitments within an integrated assessment model to assess how a national climate strategy can be built upon non-state actions. We find that existing commitments alone could reduce emissions 25% below 2005 levels by 2030, and that enhancing actions by these actors could reduce emissions up to 37%. We show how these actions can provide a stepped-up basis for additional federal action to reduce emissions by 49%—consistent with 1.5 °C. Our analysis demonstrates sub-national actions can lead to substantial reductions and support increased national action.

2011 ◽  
Vol 101 (5) ◽  
pp. 1649-1675 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Z Muller ◽  
Robert Mendelsohn ◽  
William Nordhaus

This study presents a framework to include environmental externalities into a system of national accounts. The paper estimates the air pollution damages for each industry in the United States. An integrated-assessment model quantifies the marginal damages of air pollution emissions for the US which are multiplied times the quantity of emissions by industry to compute gross damages. Solid waste combustion, sewage treatment, stone quarrying, marinas, and oil and coal-fired power plants have air pollution damages larger than their value added. The largest industrial contributor to external costs is coal-fired electric generation, whose damages range from 0.8 to 5.6 times value added. (JEL E01, L94, Q53, Q56)


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jen Iris Allan

After a decade of negotiation, countries adopted a new, legally binding agreement on climate change. Excitement for a new era in the climate regime is palpable among pundits and policy makers alike. But such enthusiasm largely overlooks that most of the Paris Agreement’s provisions represent continuity with existing climate policy, not a break with the past. This forum argues that the Paris Agreement is a dangerous form of incrementalism in two ways. First, it repackages existing rules that have already proven inadequate to reduce emissions and improve resilience. Second, state and nonstate actors celebrate the Agreement as a solution, conferring legitimacy on its rules; I suggest that, beyond the strong desire to avoid failure, developing countries and nongovernmental organizations accepted the Paris Agreement to secure the participation of the United States and to uphold previous agreements. Given the reification of existing rules, the ratchet-up mechanism and nonstate actors offer the last remaining hopes in global efforts to catalyze climate action on a scale necessary to safeguard the climate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-97
Author(s):  
Jinhyun Lee

The Paris Agreement made a breakthrough amid the deadlock in climate negotiations, yet concerns are raised regarding how much impact the new voluntary climate regime can make. This paper investigates the socialization mechanism that the Paris Agreement sets up and explores the prospects of “institutional transformation” for it to make a dent. It examines the factors that can facilitate voluntary climate action by using the cases of the most recalcitrant emitters, the United States and China. It argues that the US and China cases suggest that the socialization from the bottom-up by domestic actors may be one of the critical elements that determine states’ position on climate change.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 478-492
Author(s):  
Joel Corona ◽  
Todd Doley ◽  
Charles Griffiths ◽  
Matthew Massey ◽  
Chris Moore ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (804) ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
Joshua Busby

Backsliding on the Paris Agreement by the United States and others is steering the globe down a dangerous path toward runaway climate change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peiran R. Liu ◽  
Adrian E. Raftery

AbstractThe 2015 Paris Agreement aims to keep global warming by 2100 to below 2 °C, with 1.5 °C as a target. To that end, countries agreed to reduce their emissions by nationally determined contributions (NDCs). Using a fully statistically based probabilistic framework, we find that the probabilities of meeting their nationally determined contributions for the largest emitters are low, e.g. 2% for the USA and 16% for China. On current trends, the probability of staying below 2 °C of warming is only 5%, but if all countries meet their nationally determined contributions and continue to reduce emissions at the same rate after 2030, it rises to 26%. If the USA alone does not meet its nationally determined contribution, it declines to 18%. To have an even chance of staying below 2 °C, the average rate of decline in emissions would need to increase from the 1% per year needed to meet the nationally determined contributions, to 1.8% per year.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morgan Edwards ◽  
Ryna Yiyun Cui ◽  
Matilyn Bindl ◽  
Nathan Hultman ◽  
Krinjal Mathur ◽  
...  

Abstract A global phaseout of unabated coal use is critical to meeting the Paris climate goals. This transition can potentially lead to large amounts of stranded assets, especially in regions with newer and growing coal fleets. Here we combine plant-level data with a global integrated assessment model to quantify changes in stranded asset risks across locations and over time. With new plant proposals, cancellations, and retirements over the past five years, global committed emissions in 2030 from existing and planned coal plants declined by 3.3 GtCO2 (25%). While these emissions are now roughly in line with near-term (2030) Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, they remain far off track from longer-term climate goals. Building all proposed coal plants in the pipeline leads to a 24% (503 GW) increase in capacity and a 55% ($520 billion) increase in stranded assets under 1.5°C. Stranded asset risks fall disproportionately on emerging Asian economies with newer and growing coal fleets.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 777-809
Author(s):  
Mario Gervasi

Abstract This article attempts to investigate the significance and implications of the United States’ decision to withdraw from and cease implementation of the Paris Agreement on climate change, as announced in the statement released by President Trump on 1 June 2017. It is argued that that decision risks giving rise to a serious setback for the international protection of climate. Yet, the Parties to the Paris Agreement have so far been reluctant to react to the United States’ conduct. In particular, since the United States withdrawal could not have effect before 4 November 2020, the cessation of implementation of the Paris Agreement has already resulted in a wrongful act, at least as regards the obligation to pursue domestic mitigation measures with the aim of achieving the objectives of the nationally determined contributions. Should the Parties to the Paris Agreement invoke the responsibility of the United States, they would eventually face the need to solve certain difficulties emerging from the application of the general rules concerning State responsibility to a case relevant to climate change, because the implementation mechanism of the Paris Agreement would prove to be inadequate owing to its facilitative nature.


Subject China-US cooperation on climate change. Significance China and the United States ratified the Paris Agreement ahead of the September 4-5 G20 Summit in Hangzhou, by depositing their respective instruments with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. Impacts US and Chinese ratification puts the EU under heavy pressure to follow suit. There is a good chance of the Paris Agreement coming into force by December 2016. Beijing might well take the lead again as the next major review of international efforts approaches in 2018. A Donald Trump presidency in the United States could see China-US cooperation on emissions reductions unravel.


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