scholarly journals Malawi at the Crossroads: Does the Fear of Contracting COVID-19 Affect the Propensity to Vote?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gowokani Chijere Chirwa ◽  
Boniface Dulani ◽  
Lonjezo Sithole ◽  
Joseph J. Chunga ◽  
Witness Alfonso ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Perceived Risk ◽  
Preventive Measures ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Nationally Representative

AbstractThe new coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has paralysed many sectors of human life, including economic, social-cultural and political processes. In the political arena, several countries have postponed elections due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Other countries, including Malawi, went ahead with their planned elections. Malawi held a presidential election at a time when the number of COVID-19 cases was increasing rapidly. In this paper, we assess the effect of the perceived risk of catching COVID-19 on willingness to vote in the Malawi presidential election that was held on 23 June 2020. Turn out in this election was ten percentage points lower than in the general elections that were held a year earlier. The paper draws on a nationally representative survey of adult Malawians (n = 1155). In our main analysis, we use instrumental variables to account for potential endogeneity. We find that nearly two thirds of Malawians thought that they were likely to catch COVID-19 at some point. Notwithstanding the COVID-19 risk, 86% of the country’s citizens were willing to vote. Our analysis shows that an individual’s perceived risk of catching COVID-19 is associated with a lower likelihood of voting (β = − 0.096; p < 0.05). This suggests that voter turnout in Malawi’s fresh presidential election may have been highly affected by the perceived risk of catching COVID-19. The policy implication is that instituting and enforcing primary preventive measures may help reduce the perceived risk of catching COVID-19 and mitigate voter apathy.

scholarly journals Malawi at the crossroads: Does the fear of contracting COVID-19 affect the propensity to vote?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gowokani Chijere Chirwa ◽  
Boniface Dulani ◽  
Lonjezo Sithole ◽  
Joseph J. Chunga ◽  
Witness Alfonso ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Instrumental Variables ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Perceived Risk ◽  
Preventive Measures ◽  
Main Method ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Lower Likelihood ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Ways Of Life

Abstract The new coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has disrupted ways of life, including political processes. In this paper, we assess the effect of own perceived risk of catching COVID-19 on willingness to vote. The paper draws from a nationally representative survey of adult Malawians (n=1155). Our main method used instrumental variables to account for potential endogeneity. Findings show that 63% of Malawians thought that they are likely to catch COVID-19. Notwithstanding the COVID19 risk, 86% were willing to vote. The regression analysis suggests that an individual’s perceived risk of catching COVID-19 is associated with lower likelihood of voting (β=-0.096; p<0.05). The results suggest that voter turnout in Malawi’s fresh presidential election may have been highly affected by the perceived risk of catching COVID-19. The policy implication is that instituting and enforcing primary preventive measures may help reduce the perceived risk of catching COVID19 and mitigate voter apathy.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE DOMESTIC POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS IN THE UKRAINIAN VISION (1994-2004)

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 41-56
Author(s):  
Yurii PAVLOVYCH
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Absolute Control

The article analyzes the political life of the Republic of Belarus in the period from 1991 to 2004. The events related to the election campaign of A. Lukashenko, first elections in Belarus in 1994, and elections of 2001 are directly covered in the study. Clearly defined plans and methods of Lukashenko's policy. The article shows the most important stages of the Belarusian domestic policy. The first steps of the Belarusian politicians after the collapse of the USSR, the struggle for the presidency, the formation of democratic opposition to the Belarusian Communist Party, the preparation and signing of the Belovezha Accords 1991 are analyzed. The author studied the perception, in Ukraine, of the reasons, preconditions, and fact of the Belovezha Accords 1991, the appearance in great politics of A. Lukashenko. The visions of some Ukrainian researchers, who believe that the process of building an independent Belarus was initially successful and gradually implemented all the plans of the new leadership of the country, were traced. Assessments of socio-political processes in Belarus after the collapse of the USSR in Ukraine have been submitted. The reaction of the Ukrainian public to A. Lukashenko's victory on the presidential election 1994 and the attitude of experts on referendums of 1995, 1996, and 2004 are highlighted. These political events returned the country towards growing a dictatorial regime headed by the president, who almost completely controlled the state, economic and social areas of life in the country. After that, parliamentary and presidential election campaigns became a formality in order to preserve the form of democracy in Belarus. The view of the Belarusians on independence and the Soviet past is analyzed. The events in the Republic of Belarus were a clear example, they say, of how the system should be stabilized after the overlong political, economic and social crisis caused by the collapse of the Soviet system in the post-Soviet countries. The dictatorial policy and absolute control of Moscow formed a specific image of the Republic of Belarus in the European political arena. Keywords Republic of Belarus, A. Lukashenko, S. Shushkevich, Kuropaty, presidential election

Cara a cara electoral televisado. Análisis audiovisual de los debates entre los candidatos a la presidencia española | Face to face on television. Audiovisual analysis of the Spanish presidential election debates

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Quintas Froufe ◽  
Eva Quintas Froufe
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Narrative Structure ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Marketing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Relationship

ResumenEl poder que la televisión ejerce sobre la arena política no ha pasado desapercibido en el ámbito académico ni socio-político. Su presencia en los procesos políticos es constante, fruto de las posibilidades comunicativas que este medio ofrece en la contienda electoral. El marketing político utiliza la televisión cada vez con mayor asiduidad para dirigirse al electorado a través de uno de los componentes más característicos de las campañas televisadas: los debates electorales. Este artículo tiene como objetivo estudiar la relación existente entre televisión y política en la actualidad, centrándose en el caso particular de los debates electorales televisados. Se ha estudiado el fenómeno del debate electoral desde el punto de vista audiovisual, mediante el análisis de un caso concreto: los debates electorales entre los candidatos a la presidencia de gobierno española que han tenido lugar en 2008. Con esta finalidad, se ha analizado la estructura narrativa de los mismos para valorar las diferencias y similitudes en ambos debates.AbstractThe power that television exerts on the political arena has not remained undetected neither in the academic nor the socio-political fields. Their presence in the political processes is constant, the result of the communicative possibilities that this medium offers in the electoral contest. The political marketing uses television with increasing regularity in order to reach the electorate through one of the most characteristic components of the television campaign: the electoral debates. This article aims to explore the relationship between television and politics at present, focusing on the particular case of televised election debates. The phenomenon of electoral debate has been studied from the audiovisual point of view, through the analysis of a specific case: the election debates between candidates for president of the Spanish government that had taken place in 2008. With this aim, their narrative structure has been analysed in order to observe the differences and similarities between both debates.Palabras claveElecciones; Televisión; Campaña; Comunicación política; Imagen; Vídeo-política.KeywordsElections; Television; Campaign; Political communication; Image; Video-politics.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

scholarly journals Polarized nature of the COVID-19 pandemic in Japan: associations with population age structure and behaviours

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Junko Okumura
Keyword(s):  
Age Structure ◽  
Public Transportation ◽  
Perceived Risk ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Preventive Measures ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Cumulative Number ◽  
Population Age Structure ◽  
Major Factors ◽  
Drinking Places

Abstract Background Although the scale of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic was relatively small in Japan compared with the rest of the world, the polarisation of areas into high- and low-COVID-19-incidence areas was observed among the 47 prefectures. The aims of this study were not only identifying the factors associated with the polarised COVID-19 pandemic in Japan but also discussing effective preventive measures. Methods This was an ecological study using online survey data which was cross-sectionally conducted by the author. A total of 6000 respondents who resided in 10 low- and 10 high-COVID-19 incidence prefectures, with a wide gap in terms of COVID-19 incidence, in Japan were recruited. Data on COVID-19 cases and geodemographic information were obtained from official government sites. Statistical analyses were conducted to compare variables between the two areas and age groups. Results This study revealed that that age influenced people’s behaviours and perceptions, except one behaviour of ‘wearing facemasks’. The major factors significantly associated with the cumulative number of COVID-19 cases per 100,000 people were ‘commuting by private automobile’ (adjusted odds ratio [AOR], 0.444; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.394–0.501), ‘commuting by public transportation’ (AOR, 6.813; 95% CI, 5.567–8.336), ‘washing hands’ (AOR, 1.233; 95% CI, 1.005–1.511), ‘opening windows regularly’ (AOR, 1.248; 95% CI, 1.104–1.412), ‘avoiding crowded places (AOR, 0.757; 95% CI, 0.641–0.893), ‘non-scheduled visits to drinking places’ (AOR, 1.212; 95% CI, 1.054–1.392) and ‘perceived risk of contracting COVID-19’ (AOR, 1.380; 95% CI, 1.180–1.612). These factors were strongly associated with age groups. Conclusions Effective preventive measures for COVID-19 transmission can be developed by understanding the characteristics of populated areas, such as public transportation infrastructure and younger people’s movements and behaviours in relation to the population age structure to contain the current epidemic and protect the most vulnerable elderly people.

More Engaged but Still Uninformed? 2004 Presidential Election Coverage in Consumer Magazines Popular with Young Adults

2009 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Mueller ◽  
Tom Reichert
Keyword(s):  
Young Adults ◽  
Young People ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
Women's Magazines ◽  
Rolling Stone ◽  
Election Coverage ◽  
Popular Magazines ◽  
2000 Election

Given the upturn in young-voter turnout in 2004, this study updates an analysis of the 2000 election to determine if coverage in youth-oriented magazines remained superficial, strategic, and cynical. Quantity of coverage increased 69% over 2000 (coverage in Rolling Stone increased 300%) despite a decrease in women's magazines' coverage. There was no difference in the largely strategic, cynical, and biased coverage between the two elections. Despite a “wartime” election, the magazines rarely published stories focusing on the Iraq war. The study suggests that resurgent interest in politics among young people was not mirrored in popular magazines they read regularly.

scholarly journals Politics is making us sick: The negative impact of political engagement on public health during the Trump administration

PLoS ONE ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. e0262022
Author(s):  
Kevin B. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Significant Health ◽  
Trump Administration

Objectives To quantify the effect of politics on the physical, psychological, and social health of American adults during the four-year span of the Trump administration. Methods A previously validated politics and health scale was used to compare health markers in nationally representative surveys administered to separate samples in March 2017 (N = 800) and October 2020 (N = 700). Participants in the 2020 survey were re-sampled approximately two weeks after the 2020 election and health markers were compared to their pre-election baselines. Results Large numbers of Americans reported politics takes a significant toll on a range of health markers—everything from stress, loss of sleep, or suicidal thoughts to an inability to stop thinking about politics and making intemperate social media posts. The proportion of Americans reporting these effects stayed stable or slightly increased between the spring of 2017 and the fall of 2020 prior to the presidential election. Deterioration in measures of physical health became detectably worse in the wake of the 2020 election. Those who were young, politically interested, politically engaged, or on the political left were more likely to report negative effects. Conclusions Politics is a pervasive and largely unavoidable source of chronic stress that exacted significant health costs for large numbers of American adults between 2017 and 2020. The 2020 election did little to alleviate those effects and quite likely exacerbated them.

scholarly journals Worry and perceived risk of contagion during the COVID-19 quarantine in the Jalisco population: Preliminary Study

Salud Mental ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 253-261
Author(s):  
Jesua Iván Guzmán-González ◽  
Franco Giordano Sánchez-García ◽  
Saúl Ramírez-de los Santos ◽  
Francisco Gutiérrez-Rodríguez ◽  
David Palomino-Esparza ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Perceived Risk ◽  
Preventive Measures ◽  
Indirect Measure ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Penn State Worry Questionnaire ◽  
Study Results ◽  
Penn State ◽  
The Face ◽  
State Worry

Introduction. Preventive measures taken during periods of health crisis, specifically in pandemics, have consistently been associated with detrimental effects on mental health. Isolation and loneliness are indirect effects of these preventive measures. Given these premises, monitoring the behavior of the population in the face of these eventualities becomes important. Worry as an indirect measure of anxiety and stress enables one to recognize subjects who are vulnerable to phenomena of high uncertainty, since measures taken to avoid excessive contagion can have high costs for this population. This phenomenon has been consistently observed in other pandemics such as H1/N1 influenza. Objective. To determine the prevalence of worry and perceived risk of contagion in the Guadalajara population during the COVID-19 quarantine and to identify differentiating effects. Method. A total of 255 people from western Mexico (Guadalajara, Jalisco) voluntarily participated by answering the Penn State Worry Questionnaire (PSWQ) adapted to Mexican population. The average age of the respondents, aged between 18 and 70 years, was 31.71 (± 5.19). A total of 170 women and 85 men participated in the study. Results. 40.12% of the population scored high levels of worry, making them vulnerable to mental health conditions. Subjects favored the prevention of a contagion regardless of whether they were self-isolated. The only variable that had a differential effect was sex (p < .05), and there were no differences in educational attainment, occupational demandingness, and isolation between the groups. Discussion and conclusion. A preventive attitude was observed among the participants, and so it is important to implement strategies that will prevent mental health costs in those who express excessive worry to avoid saturating mental health services.

scholarly journals Candidate name order effects in New Hampshire: Evidence from primaries and from general elections with party column ballots

PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. e0248049
Author(s):  
Bo MacInnis ◽  
Joanne M. Miller ◽  
Jon A. Krosnick ◽  
Clifton Below ◽  
Miriam Lindner
Keyword(s):  
New Hampshire ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Order Effects ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Theoretical Predictions ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Primacy Effects ◽  
First Time

Research in a few U.S. states has shown that candidates listed first on ballots gain extra votes as a result. This study explored name order effects for the first time in New Hampshire, where such effects might be weak or entirely absent because of high political engagement and the use of party column ballots. In general elections (in 2012 and 2016) for federal offices and the governorship and in primaries (in 2000, 2002, and 2004), evidence of primacy effects appeared in 86% of the 84 tests, including the 2016 presidential race, when Donald Trump gained 1.7 percentage points from first listing, and Hillary Clinton gained 1.5 percentage points. Consistent with theoretical predictions, primacy effects were larger in primaries and for major-party candidates in general elections than for non-major-party candidates in general elections, more pronounced in less publicized contests, and stronger in contests without an incumbent running. All of this constitutes evidence of the reliability and generalizability of evidence on candidate name order effects and their moderators.

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