Boris N. Chicherin and the Problem of the Political Identification of His Legacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Sergei L. Chizhkov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Identification

An Ever Further Apart Union? National and European Attachments in the European Union

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracey Raney
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Identity Construction ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
The Eu

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179

The Relation Between Moral Attitudes and Political Identity

2020 ◽  
pp. 203-229
Author(s):  
Tuuli-Marja Kleiner ◽  
Reinhold Melcher
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Correlation Coefficients ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Value Survey ◽  
Economic Dimension ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Pooled Data ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Moral Attitudes ◽  
Political Realm

This study investigates how moral values structure the left/right identification of citizens. Specifically, this chapter reconnoitres how moral attitudes relate to the political fringes on both sides compared to economic attitudes. Using pooled data drawn from the World Value Survey (WVS) and the European Value Survey (EVS), this chapter calculates point-biseral correlation coefficients for 12 European countries at different points in time (1982-2014). The findings indicate that (1) both cultural and economic aspects determine mass political identification, (2) the significance of cultural aspects seems higher in traditional countries, (3) all influences remain largely stable over time. In addition, (4) this chapter identifies an unexpected pattern: while the economic dimension structures the political realm quite evenly, moral orientations seem to be divided into the ‘moral universalists' on the left pole and the ‘moral conservatives', who consider themselves as either moderate or rightist.

“How do you like them now?” Expected reactions upon discovering that a friend is a political out-group member

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (10-11) ◽  
pp. 2779-2801
Author(s):  
Elena Buliga ◽  
Cara MacInnis
Keyword(s):  
Group Membership ◽  
Random Order ◽  
Close Friend ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Maintenance Behaviors ◽  
Group Memberships ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Group Member

Republican or Democrat participants imagined how they would respond upon learning about the political group membership of a potential or established friend. Four vignettes (friend political in-group; friend political out-group; potential friend political in-group; potential friend political out-group) were presented in a random order. After each, participants provided expected reactions. Overall, reactions (e.g., hope of the relationship lasting, intentions to engage in friendship maintenance behaviors, trust) were most positive toward the established in-group friend, followed by potential in-group friend, then the established out-group friend, and lastly the potential out-group friend. That is, participants expected to be more positive toward a person they just met than an established close friend, simply due to knowing these individuals’ political group memberships. Some of these differences were moderated by intergroup attitudes or political identification. Discoveries of political group membership may influence the development or maintenance of friendships.

scholarly journals The efficiency of communication strategies of politically oriented communities on the Internet

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-170
Author(s):  
Darya I. Judina ◽  
◽  
Sergei A. Ivanov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
High Level

The Internet as a special space for political activity and political communication is becoming more and more attractive to political actors. The intensification of political activity on the Internet leads to the increase of researchers’ interest. One of the prominent areas of this research is the analysis of the efficiency of communication strategies used by politically oriented communities on the Internet. The results of such assessment contribute to, in particular, characterizing the level and features of the political engagement of Internet users into political processes. To study these processes, a telephone survey of residents of St. Petersburg was conducted. St. Petersburg was chosen because it is one of the largest cities in Russia with high Internet coverage and a high level of political activity compared to other regions. The results showed that politically oriented communities effectively implement primary communication strategies — information and presentation. More than two-thirds of politically active Internet users in St. Petersburg noted that visiting the relevant resources helped them to understand the political situation, to define their attitude toward parties, politicians, social movements and organizations. At the same time, the strategy of supporting political identification has not yet worked for the majority of users. Perhaps this is a consequence of the fact that the majority of St. Petersburg citizens have not yet found appropriate political leaders and organizations. The authors found that the majority of Internet users display an interest in politics permanently, and not only during the pre-election period. The hypothesis that one of the factors of an efficient strategy of politically oriented communities is emphasizing anti-power positions was confirmed. The survey results also confirmed the high level of opposition views among Internet users.

Wie is de natie ? : Een analyse van de betekenis van taal en territorialiteit in België

Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-78
Author(s):  
Anja Detant
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Belgian Society ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Linguistic Divide ◽  
The Relationship

The institutional reform of the Belgian state seems to run parallel with a redefinition of the whole of Belgian society. 'Subnationalism' has overtaken the traditional ethno-linguistic definitions which used to provide a basis for political identification and mobilisation. The territorial demarcation of the regions and the politicisation of cultural life on both sides of the linguistic border constitute basic ingredientsfor 'nationbuilding'projects in Flanders and Wallonia. A number of elements are distinguished to explain why the 'nationalism' of the regions will have repercussions on the political developments in the capital area.  Language and territoriality have always played a special role in Brussels. Changes in connection with definitions of territoriality and identity now seem to create opportunities to redefine the relationship between the communities in Brussels. It is not inconceivable that, in the long run, the linguistic divide wilt fade out and wilt be replaced by an identification on the basis of a territorial criterion shared by all the Brussels' inhabitants.

scholarly journals Art. XI.—Lecture on the present State of the Cultivation of Oriental Literature

1852 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 191-215
Author(s):  
H. H. Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Present State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Asiatic Society ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Literature History ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Royal Asiatic Society

It has been judged possible, by the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, that the objects for which the Society was founded, and for which it is maintained, may be made more generally known, and more accurately appreciated, by the adoption of arrangements of a more popular character than our ordinary proceedings, and which may interest a more numerous and varied portion of the public than the Members of the Society only, in matters concerning the Eastern World. It is not to be denied that the subjects which in a peculiar degree engage the attention of the Society,—the antiquities and literature of the nations of the East,—have hitherto failed to receive that attention from the public at large which might have been expected, if not from their own inherent interest, yet from our long and intimate intercourse with the most important countries of Asia, and the political identification of India and Great Britain. Works of high merit, elucidating Oriental literature, history, antiquities, religion, the conditions of Asiatic society in past or present times, and descriptive of the products of art or nature in the East, usually meet with a cold and discouraging reception, even from the reading world, or at most attract passing and ephemeral notice, leaving no durable impression, creating no continuous and progressive interest.

IS TRADING WITH CHINA DIFFERENT? SELF-INTEREST, NATIONAL PRIDE, AND TRADE PREFERENCES

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Wei-Ting Yen ◽  
Kristine Kay ◽  
Fang-Yu Chen
Keyword(s):  
Trade Agreements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
National Attachment ◽  
Trade Preferences

Abstract Despite increasing economic integrations with China, worries exist in China's neighboring countries about China's implicit political intention. Do people view trading with China differently? In this article, we incorporate the political context of trade agreements by showing that trade with partners who come with political costs is less likely to be supported. Using a nationally representative survey experiment from Taiwan, we find that trading with China garners less support than trading with Japan or Malaysia, and nationalism suppresses self-interest when the proposed trading partner is China. We show that national attachment, which is neither a proxy for political identification nor a proxy for national chauvinism, becomes a stronger predictor of trade preferences toward China. While the political tension between China and Taiwan is unique, many countries see at least one other country posing a negative externality. Our finding suggests strongly identified nationalists would oppose engaging with a hostile outsider regardless of their self-interest.

scholarly journals Brian Friel in Spain: An Off-Centre Love Story

2021 ◽  
pp. 110-124
Author(s):  
María Gaviña-Costero ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Basque Country ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Faith Healer ◽  
Brian Friel ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Love Story ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Selection Of

Spanish theatres are not prolific in the staging of Irish playwrights. However, the Northern Irish writer Brian Friel (1929-2015) has been a curious exception, his plays having been performed in different cities in Spain since William Layton produced Amantes: vencedores y vencidos (Lovers: Winners and Losers) in 1972. The origin of Friel’s popularity in this country may be attributed to what many theatre directors and audiences considered to be a parallel political situation between post-colonial Ireland and the historical peripheral communities with a language other than Spanish: Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia; the fact is that the number of Catalan directors who have staged works by Friel exceeds that of any other territory in Spain. However, despite the political identification that can be behind the success of a play like Translations (1980), the staging of others with a subtler political overtone, such as Lovers (1967), Dancing at Lughnasa (1990), Molly Sweeney (1994), Faith Healer (1979) and Afterplay (2001), should prompt us to find the reason for this imbalance of representation elsewhere. By analysing the production of the plays, both through the study of their programmes and interviews with their protagonists, and by scrutinising their reception, I have attempted to discern some common factors to account for the selection of Friel’s dramatic texts.

scholarly journals Political and Civic Identity of Libertarians in Contemporary Russia: Problems and Perspectives

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-569
Author(s):  
Denis A. Dumler
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Economic Freedom ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Civic Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Broad Approach

Libertarianism is a new ideological trend, popular among young people. We try to find out whether libertarianism rises as independent political movement or it is the reaction on the fall of popularity of traditional political parties. For that purpose, the author made the comparative analysis of the program documents of the Libertarian Party of Russia with the classical works of the American libertarians and analyzed the published interview both of the party leaders/activists and of the experts. The author used the interview which he took from some activists in order to clarify the political identification of the Russian libertarians. The political identity of libertarians is characterized by the broadest possible interpretation of personal and economic freedom. Libertarians believe that such freedom is compatible with law and legality and is opposite to anarchy. At the same time, they avoid definitions and norms that could constrain freedom by both the state and the adherents of certain, including liberal, values and slogans. This broad approach makes it difficult to politically identify libertarians, but contributes to their attractiveness among young people.

On the political technology of Victorian England: the concept of “jingo” in the publishing practice of “Punch” magazine (1878–1879)

2021 ◽  
pp. 223-234
Author(s):  
Nataliya V. Dronova
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
British History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
Publishing Practice ◽  
Indirect Analysis ◽  
Political Technology ◽  
The 19Th Century

We explore the logic and techniques of using the concept of “jingo” in the publishing practice of “Punch” magazine as a tool of political technologies aimed at shaping public opinion on key issues of foreign policy and electoral behavior in Britain in 1878–1879. The urgency of the problem being analyzed is due to the importance of a comprehensive understanding of the pheno-menon of jingoism as one of the significant manifestations of the political history and culture of Victorian England. The study adopted a cross-disciplinary approach, which involves politically and linguistically indirect analysis of the concept of “jingo” in the context of the political and ideological realities of British history during the Eastern crisis of the 1870s of the 19th century. Specific examples show that the peculiarities of the genre of the magazine, its popularity, consideration of the cultural request of its audience determined the choice of language means, the style of presentation of the material and the choice of images. It is justified that the methods used in the texts of Punch were aimed at maintaining a positive image of the liberals and discrediting opponents both at the personal level and the party. It is concluded that the concept of “jingo” in the propaganda campaign of “Punch” has taken meaning propaganda cliches, which acted as a means of political identification, social and political advertising and anti-advertising, served as a tool to manipulate public opinion. This study may provide material for a number of further studies in the study of British political culture.

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