Duration of trade of former communist countries in the EU market

2009 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Imre Fertő ◽  
Károly Attila Soós
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (338) ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Sandris Ancans

AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period economy is not correct, as it does not represent the purpose it was created for. Accordingly, the paper aims to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU. A planned economy that existed in all communist countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, was not introduced to contribute to prosperity. It was intended for confrontation or even warfare by the communist countries under the guidance of the USSR against other countries where no communism regime existed, mostly Western world nations with their market economies. For this reason, it is not correct to term it a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy; the right term is a mobilised (war) economy. An extrapolation of a geometric progression for GDP revealed that during the half a century, Latvia as part of the USSR was forced to spend on confrontation with the West not less than EUR 17 bln. (2011 prices) or approximately one gross domestic product of 2011. The research aim of the paper is to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (No. 2) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Jindřich Špička ◽  
Petr Dereník

The post-2020 Common Agricultural Policy targets at supporting small and medium-sized farms. Capping and redistribution of direct payments would have a direct impact on the economic viability of farms. Calculation of economic income is a reasonable way how to calculate the economic viability of firms. However, accounting profit has been preferred for its estimation so far. The article aims to compare the income from accounting and economic point of view and reveal how much the results differ across the EU. The literature review, an empirical analysis based on Farm Accountancy Data Network (2016–2018), and a clustered heat map were applied. The results provide clear evidence of high variability of opportunity costs when calculating the economic viability in the EU, especially between countries with small intensive farms and some post-communist countries where larger farms dominate.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-31
Author(s):  
Marian Zaharia ◽  
Aniela Balacescu ◽  
Radu Serban Zaharia

During 2003-2012, economies of most EU countries, have gone through periods of growth and decline, the most significant decline being recorded in 2009, due to strong economic crisis which has affect the EU and not only. The main purpose of this article is to assess the impact that the economic crisis has had on each of the five former communist countries analyzed, namely Romania, Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria. This study is a comparative statistical analysis of evolutions of the volumes of exports and imports both within EU and outside. It also, are analyzed their trade balances evolutions, and were identified, for three of them, among which Romania, valid models of evolution for the period under review.


Politologia ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 25-45
Author(s):  
Simona Guerra

This paper examines why, when and how Catholicism adopts a Eurosceptic narrative and whether religious Euroscepticism can emerge in post-communist countries, also comparing how the narrative changed before and after accession. The scope is threefold: (i) first, it seeks to provide an in-depth study on Catholicism and European integration. While religionhas generally been considered as supportive of a positive attitude toward the European Union (EU), this analysis shows it can also become an element of Euroscepticism; (ii) second, it focuses on the case study of Poland, using CBOS and PNES data; and (iii) third, it suggests an original framework, and explores, from a comparative perspective, when and how the Roman Catholic Church (or a branch thereof) has sought an alliance with a political party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-61
Author(s):  
Judas Everett

The Cold War was a confrontation dominated by dogmatic ideology; the rise of Gorbachev and his attempts to inject new thinking into the Soviet Union were critical in ending that standoff. Generally, Gorbachev was successful in the field of foreign policy and many of his ideas and actions created lasting legacies which have shaped the world today. However, one idea which failed to gain much traction was his proposal regarding a Common European Home. The aim of this paper is to examine how this opportunity was missed or why hasn’t it been taken advantage of, before moving on to analyse whether shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exist between Russia and the EU today. Opinion polling shows that Russian values and opinions are complex, but often similar to other post-communist countries that have successfully become European Union member states. The issue of NATO expansion stands out as more problematic than a lack of shared values between the EU and Russian citizens.


Author(s):  
Michał Stambulski

The paper deals with the link between the notions of constitutional identity and nostalgic collective memory. Starting from the notion of nostalgia of postmodern society as used in social theory, it shows that this cultural condition is reflected in in constitutions. The point of reference for contemporary political projects is no longer the future but the past. Longing for a lost homeland becomes a dominant social emotion. The author shows that this vision of the past is present in constitutions, especially in post-communist countries. It influences constitutional identity and, due to different temporal structures, is in conflict with the constitutional identity of the EU. The article ends with an analysis of the consequences of such a politics of nostalgia and the possible defence mechanisms against it.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Holmes

This article examines the incomplete and sometimes contradictory evidence on the crime, organised crime and corruption situations in post-communist states, and then seeks to explain the apparent increase in all three in early post-communism. Among the factors considered are the impact of weak states and economies, neo-liberalism, globalisation, Schengen and Fortress Europe, the Communist legacy (the ‘ghost from the past’), and collusion. The article then examines the dynamics of criminality and malfeasance in the region, and provides evidence to suggest that the crime and corruption situation has stabilised or even improved in most post-communist countries in recent times. The factors considered for explaining this apparent improvement are the role of external agents (notably the EU), the move from transition to consolidation, and the role of political will.


Human Affairs ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bedrudin Brljavac

AbstractThe concept of Europeanization has become very popular in studies of European integration and particularly in analyses on the post-communist countries undergoing extensive transformation on the road to European Union membership. Although the Europeanization process has been quite successful in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the same scenario has not played out in the western Balkans region. With the purpose of analysing the effectiveness and impact of the Europeanization process in the western Balkans, the main subject of the paper is Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU-related reform processes. Although Bosnia has been undergoing thorough Europeanizing reforms since the late 1990s, when the country entered the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP), it is still an unstable and dysfunctional country. That makes it the perfect case for assessing the possible shortcomings of the Europeanization process. Thus far, most scholars have concluded that domestic political elites in Bosnia are the only party responsible for Bosnia’s political deadlock. However, this paper analyses the continued Bosnian deadlock from a different perspective, trying to figure out the degree of responsibility the European Union shares in the country’s Europeanization process. Although uncooperative Bosnian political elites are to a great extent responsible for the continued political and social status quo, EU leaders are not faultless either. In fact, so far European leaders have often appeared to be deeply divided, incoherent, and short-sighted in terms of Europeanization policies in Bosnia, thus further deepening the political deadlock in the country. Therefore, we can ask whether Bosnia represents a litmus test which the EU has failed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-19
Author(s):  
Tomasz Michalski

Abstract The aim of this study was to present the general situation of populations of European post-communist countries 25 years after the collapse of communism in Europe. The study consists of two parts. The first one briefly discusses the processes that led to a significant diversification in the social, economic and political situations of the populations of the studied countries. In the second part the diversity of this situation is shown (using: the Legatum Prosperity Index, the Social Progress Index, and the Human Development Index). It was found that the best situations exist in the countries which quickly and effectively implemented reforms, and whether they were independent states, or parts of larger states, under communism is of secondary importance. It is symptomatic that these are countries situated in the north-western part of the area under consideration, which corresponds to the current situation in the EU-15, where the countries located in the south (the so-called PIGS) have poor economic and partly social situations than those in the north. Furthermore, it was found that the situation with the population of Russia is worse than in many countries which were previously under the occupation of the USSR or were dependent on the authorities in Moscow.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-205
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Jasiecki

The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specifi city of the Group’s cooperation before accession to NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4 countries against the background of the EU and selected member states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The final part contains conclusions relating to the Group’s activities with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.


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