China and the Asian World, 1500–1900

Author(s):  
Matthew W. Mosca

China’s relations with the Asian world between 1500 and 1900 were shaped by a variety of political, economic, and cultural factors. A common denominator in these international relationships was a loose framework of ideological principles and administrative procedures later dubbed by scholars the “tributary system.” This “system,” first posited in the early 1940s, has remained the single most influential concept for interpreting the interactions of Ming and Qing China with Asian countries. However, in recent decades it has been critiqued from various perspectives, narrowed in the scope of its application, and modified by a greater focus on the actual course of specific cases rather than ideological principles. That is, historians have increasingly come to understand China’s relations with the Asian world as influenced by pragmatic considerations and changing local dynamics, so that each relationship and the factors shaping it are best understood on their own terms. One approach to the study of Ming and Qing relations with the Asian world is to consider it within the framework of three regional groupings. China’s interactions with its neighbors in Northeast Asia were shaped by its largely stable relations with Korea and the Ryukyu Kingdom, and its radically fluctuating relations with Japan, sometimes marked by conflict and sometimes by the deliberate avoidance of political contact. Early Ming political relations with maritime Southeast Asia atrophied as the role of European and private Chinese merchant intermediaries increased. Those with continental Southeast Asia (particularly Burma, Siam, and Vietnam), more enduring, were influenced by intense regional rivalries that occasionally impinged on the borderlands of China’s southern provinces. In these two regions, the Ming–Qing transition, although particularly resented in Korea where it involved two invasions, did not radically alter existing patterns of international relations. By contrast, the vast territorial expansion of the Qing Empire did greatly change China’s foreign relations to the north and west, where it encountered states that had not had relations with the Ming. In these regions the Qing government drew principles and practices from its foreign relations in the south and east, but modified them to fit new conditions. After 1800, and more intensively after 1850, European and later Japanese imperial power began to penetrate Central, South, Southeast, and ultimately East Asia, in each region undermining existing Qing relationships with Asian neighbors. By 1900, virtually all former Qing tributaries were under the direct or indirect control of the British, Russian, French, or Japanese empires.

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-30
Author(s):  
Tuong Vu

The terms “decolonization” and “Cold War” refer to specific processes and periods in the international system, but they do not capture the full agency of local actors such as Vietnamese Communists. Based on recently available archival materials from Hanoi, this article maps those terms onto Vietnamese Communist thinking through four specific cases. The declassified materials underscore the North Vietnamese leaders’ deep commitment to a radical worldview and their occasional willingness to challenge Moscow and Beijing for leadership of world revolution. The article illuminates the connections (or lack thereof) between global, regional, and local politics and offers a more nuanced picture of how decolonization in Southeast Asia in the 1950s–1980s sparked not only a Cold War confrontation but also a regional war.


2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-61
Author(s):  
Them Ngoc Tran

The paper presents the changes of values in three cultural areas the West, Northeast Asia, and Southeast Asia through two aspects: (i) behavior’s aspect and (ii) subjective aspect. From behavior’s aspect, the paper presents the changes in ways of cognition, organization and behavior. From subjective aspect, the paper presents the changes in countries in the West, Northeast Asia, and Southeast Asia. Due to the main domination of Western values in the process of globalization and integration, the more different from the West in terms of cultural values are, the stronger and more difficult the changes in values become. For this reason,Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia are more interested in building their own values.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Liailia Aidarovna Gainullina ◽  
Rustem Ravilevich Muhametzyanov ◽  
Bulat Aidarovich Gainullin ◽  
Nadiia Almazovna Galiautdinova

Historically, in the eyes of the Korean people, Japan is an antagonistic state that has brought them many troubles in the past century. Relations between Japan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are fundamental in terms of security in the Northeast Asia (NEA) region, since the decision on the DPRK nuclear missile program and on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is one of the pillars of achieving that very security throughout the region. The period, we consider in this study, from 1996 to 2006, is of significant importance, since a thorough analysis of the events of those years is important for understanding the root of existing problems in bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea. The present analysis on the behavioral lines in the solution of the North Korean nuclear missile program may contribute to the choice the best way to normalize relations between the two countries.    


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-73
Author(s):  
A. N. Chekha

Purpose. There are many archaeological sites located in the North Angara region. Although this territory has been investigated since 18th century, most intensive work was done during rescue archaeological works on Boguchany hydroelectric power station in 2008–2011. One of the valuable sources of artifacts is the Kutarey site. Our work contains a brief analysis of stone industries of the Kutarey River Mouth site. The main goal of this work is to apply technical and typological analysis to mark the specificity of the stone industries of layer 2 of the Kutarey River Mouth site in comparison with the results that had been previously published on layer 3 in the context of new data of this region in terms of ceramics complexes. We introduce a previously unpublished collection of stone artifacts of layer 2 of the Kutarey River Mouth site, which significantly extends the source base of the Neolithic and Bronze Age in this region. Results. The Kutarey River Mouth site is located on the left bank of the Angara River, 15 km down from the Kezhma village, on the right bank of the Kutarey River. The location was found in 1974 by N. I. Drozdov and his squad. The site was further investigated in 2008 and in 2010 by an IAE SB RAS squad (guided by A. N. Savin). Firstly, the site was determined as a Neolithic location, but as result of 2010 excavations three Neolithic-Middle Age cultural horizons were discovered. In the context of the difficulties connected with conducting investigations in this region, namely an open location, a low stratigraphy situation, a high extend of technogenic interruption, the materials of layer 3 are most perspective due to a high grade of saturation of the artifacts and minimal technogenic interruptions. These materials belong to the Neolithic and Paleometal Era. In order to clarify cultural and chronological specificity of this complex, it is necessary to analyze materials from layer 2. The stone industry of layer 2 is represented by retouching microblades, bladelets, tools for blades, flakes, scrapers including one microscraper, bifaces, several adzes, axes, and one piercing tool. Of special interest are blade points and trihedral and tetrahedral points. Conclusion. Our technical and typological analyses show that in comparison to layer 3, layer 2 is characterized by a small number of massive axes and adzes, no flints, few double scrapers, and only volume splitting tools aimed mainly at obtaining a small blade. Also, despite the fact that the core of the collection is the product of the hornstones of local origin, we observe a significant increase in the percentage of artifacts made of flint (13 %), which may indicate some new commodity strategies. The most interesting analogy can be traced with the dedicated Upper Kolyma Early Holocene complex, which contained blade points widely distributed in Northeast Asia and was present directly or indirectly in the materials from Chukotka (Verkhnetirsky IV and Nizhnechutinsky IV), Yakutia (Olbinski burial ground, Jubilee), Kamchatka (the Ushki I–IV layer, Avacha 1,9). This complex is believed to belong to specific Volbinsky traditions, which formed in the first half of the Holocene, about 8800–6000 years ago. It is also worth comparing these materials with other Kutarey sites – Sen’kin (Siniy) Kamen’, Ruchei Povarny, Gora Kutarey and adjacent territories.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Thuan Tran ◽  
Toan Phuc Vo

Upon founding the dynasty, Gia Long upheld a politico-military on a vast territory with two administrative units of power ruling over the two areas now named the North and South of Vietnam respectively. Gia Dinh Citadel – the administrative unit ruling the South of Vietnam with a very important role in economy, national defense, and diplomacy – was headed by Le Van Duyet. In the first 30 years of the Nguyen Dynasty, along with the transfer of power from the Gia Long to the Minh Mang was the position assertion of Le Van Duyet in Gia Dinh Citadel, making him one of the most powerful figures. However, the transfer of the throne also marked the concentration of power into the hands of the central government ruled by the emperor; thus, leading to the elimination of administrative units upholding great power such as Gia Dinh Citadel. This process took place in a quite complex manner due to intrinsic problems revolving around the relationship between Minh Mang and Le Van Duyet – the relationship between a king and a high-ranking mandarin with great power. The paper describes the maneuver of political relations between the two characters in the 30 years of power concentration from a fresher point of view.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 273-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. D. Sokolov ◽  
G. Ye. Bondarenko ◽  
A. K. Khudoley ◽  
O. L. Morozov ◽  
M. V. Luchitskaya ◽  
...  

Abstract. A long tectonic zone composed of Upper Jurassic to Lower Cretaceous volcanic and sedimentary rocks is recognized along the Asian continent margin from the Mongol-Okhotsk fold and thrust belt on the south to the Chukotka Peninsula on the north. This belt represents the Uda-Murgal arc, which was developed along the convergent margin between Northeast Asia and Northwest Meso-Pacific. Several segments are identified in this arc based upon the volcanic and sedimentary rock assemblages, their respective compositions and basement structures. The southern and central parts of the Uda-Murgal arc were a continental margin belt with heterogeneous basement represented by metamorphic rocks of the Siberian craton, the Verkhoyansk terrigenous complex of Siberian passive margin and the Koni-Taigonos Late Paleozoic to Early Mesozoic island arc with accreted oceanic terranes. At the present day latitude of the Pekulney and Chukotka segments there was an ensimatic island arc with relicts of the South Anyui oceanic basin in a backarc basin. Accretionary prisms of the Uda-Murgal arc and accreted terranes contain fragments of Permian, Triassic to Jurassic and Jurassic to Cretaceous (Tithonian–Valanginian) oceanic crust and Jurassic ensimatic island arcs. Paleomagnetic and faunal data show significant displacement of these oceanic complexes and the terranes of the Taigonos Peninsula were originally parts of the Izanagi oceanic plate.


Author(s):  
Jason Lim

The term “overseas Chinese” refers to people who left the Qing Empire (and later on, the Republic of China or ROC) for a better life in Southeast Asia. Some of them arrived in Southeast Asia as merchants. They were either involved in retail or wholesale trade, or importing and exporting goods between the Qing Empire/ROC and Southeast Asia. With the decolonization of Southeast Asia from the end of World War II in 1945, overseas Chinese commerce was targeted by nationalists because the merchants were seen to have been working together with the colonial authorities and to have enriched themselves at the expense of locals. New nationalist regimes in Southeast Asia introduced anti-Chinese legislation in order to reduce the overseas Chinese presence in economic activities. Chinese merchants were banned from certain trades and trade monopolies were broken down. Several Southeast Asian states also attempted to assimilate the overseas Chinese by forcing them to adopt local-sounding names. However, the overseas Chinese continued to be dominant in the economies of Malaya (later Malaysia) and Singapore. Malaysia introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP), which has an anti-Chinese agenda, in 1970. The decolonization process also occurred during the Cold War, and Chinese merchants sought to continue trade with China at a time when governments in Southeast Asia were suspicious of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Attempts by merchants from Malaya and Singapore to trade with the PRC in 1956 were considered to have failed, as the PRC had other political concerns. By the time Singapore had gained independence in 1965, the door to investment and trade with the PRC was shut, and the Chinese in Southeast Asia turned their backs on China by taking on citizenship in their countries of residence.


Author(s):  
Mary Elizabeth Fitts

Chapter 3 documents the emergence, composition, and political interactions of the Catawba Nation through the mid-eighteenth century. Between the Spanish incursions of the 1560s and the establishment of Charles Town in 1670, a group of Catawba Valley Mississippians known as Yssa rose to become the powerful Nation of Esaws that formed the core of the eighteenth-century Catawba Nation. In the late seventeenth century this polity was a destination for European traders as well as American Indian refugees fleeing hostilities associated with the Indian Slave trade and settler territorial expansion. While many of these refugees were from the Catawba River Valley, others—most notably the Charraw—were Piedmont Siouans who fled southward from the North Carolina-Virginia border. The incorporation of refugees had significant implications for Catawba politics and daily life, which are explored in subsequent chapters.


Author(s):  
Rubens Pauluzzo

The consolidation of economic and political relations in the North-Adriatic area and their formalization encouraged by the new institutional structures of Euro-regions are phenomena of central relevance to the actual European economic environment. These conditions have a significant influence on the strategic choices of local firms. In spite of the geographical proximity between Italy, Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia, cultural differences still act as important determinants in leading foreign investment strategies. The current study aims at analyzing the role played by cultural distance between the examined countries in affecting entry mode strategies followed by companies of the Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. In particular, the analysis suggests that a larger cultural distance, together with specific market characteristics, may force companies to choose entry forms with a lower degree of control, while specific firm characteristics may have an opposite impact on the internationalization strategies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-312
Author(s):  
Wen-Qing Ngoei

This essay examines how the history of the Cold War in Southeast Asia has shaped, and will likely continue to shape, the current Sino-US rivalry in the region. Expert commentary today typically focuses on the agendas and actions of the two big powers, the United States and China, which actually risks missing the bigger picture. During the Cold War, leaders of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) played a critical role in containing Chinese influence, shaping the terms of Sino-US competition and rapprochement, and deepening the US presence in Southeast Asia. The legacy of ASEAN’s foreign relations during and since the Cold War imposes constraints on Chinese regional ambitions today, which militates against the popular notion that Chinese hegemony in East and Southeast Asia is inevitable. This essay underscores that current analyses of the brewing crisis in and around the South China Sea must routinely look beyond the two superpowers to the under-appreciated agency of small- and middle-sized ASEAN actors who, in reality, are the ones who hold the fate of the region in their hands.


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