International Communication in Social Movements and Interest Groups

Author(s):  
Kenneth Rogerson

Ideas and people may be mobilized in order to influence the thinking of policy makers or society to either promote a specific point of view or enact policy in the form of laws or programs that benefit the ideas or people. This mobilization of ideas and people is known as political advocacy, which falls into two broad categories: social action and social mobilization, which can—but not necessarily—give rise to social movements, and interest and lobbying groups. According to Mancur Olson, groups are organized to pursue a common good or benefit. The success or failure of such groups can be explained using models such as the classical model, the resource mobilization model, and the “political process” model. The success of political advocacy is contingent upon a number of interrelated concepts and characteristics, including access to resources (money, people, and time), good leadership, a sense of identity or common focus, and the opportunity to be heard. A movement can distribute its message to its target audience—for example, policy makers, opinion leaders, potential participants, or the public at large—by means of information and communications technologies (ICTs). Two theses are used to assess the effectiveness of ICTs in political advocacy: the mobilization thesis and the reinforcement thesis. The inclusion of international communication has enriched our understanding of how, when, where, and why political advocacy is or is not effective.

Author(s):  
Hanspeter Kriesi

This chapter focuses on social movements, specific forms of collective behaviour having action repertoires of their own that distinguish them from established political actors. Social movements include movements of the extreme right and anti-racist movements, transnational peace movements, and movements aimed against powerful financial interests and orchestrated through social media. The chapter first explains the meaning of social movements and presents a conceptualization of key terms before comparing social movements with organizations. It then considers how social movements attract the attention and gain the support of the public through a combination of protest politics and information politics. It also discusses the role of social movements in political processes and describes three theoretical approaches to social movements: the classical model, the resource mobilization model, and the political process model. The chapter concludes by analysing the emergence, the level of mobilization, and the success of social movements.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-409
Author(s):  
SEYED AMIR NIAKOOEE

AbstractThe Second Khordad Movement was a democratic social movement in contemporary Iran. Investigation of this movement revealed two images, of flourish and of decline, as the movement was first generally successful until early 2000 and thereafter began to regress from the spring of that year onwards. The purpose of this article is to provide a comprehensive framework in which to examine the reasons behind the movement's failure and regression. To this end, the study utilizes the literature on social movements, especially the political process model, and attempts to explain the initial success and subsequent decline of the movement based on elements such as political opportunity, framing processes, mobilizing structures, and the repertoire of collective action.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 63-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emin Alper

AbstractThe years between 1968 and 1971 in Turkey were unprecedented in terms of rising social protests instigated by students, workers, peasants, teachers and white-collar workers. However, these social movements have received very limited scholarly attention, and the existing literature is marred by many flaws. The scarce literature has mainly provided an economic determinist framework for understanding the massive mobilizations of the period, by stressing the worsening economic conditions of the masses. However, these explanations cannot be verified by data. This article tries to provide an alternative, mainly political explanation for the protest cycle of 1968-71, relying on the “political process” model of social movement studies. It suggests that the change in the power balance of organized groups in politics, which was spearheaded by a prolonged elite conflict between the Kemalist bureaucracy and the political elite of the center-right, provided significant opportunities to under-represented groups to organize and raise their voices.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (64) ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Cédric Masse

Abstract How is public participation achieved within social movements? Does it fundamentally rely on politico-economic conditions or does it primarily refer to the ideal or discursive sphere? This problem is addressed through a critical synthesis of theories that deal with this issue (resource mobilisation theories, political process model, Jürgen Habermas, Richard Sennett and Alexis de Tocqueville) and, empirically, through the observation and analysis of concrete modalities of public participation within Portuguese social movements (from a “qualitative” sociology or an ethnography of some movements carried out in Lisbon between 2010 and 2012). In this context, as elsewhere, public participation especially rests upon two linked ethical and political axioms: isonomy - the same law for everyone, the economic basis of public participation - and isegory - the same time to speak for everyone, the ideal foundation of public participation. Thus, to understand the how of public participation within social movements, it is necessary to overcome the traditional dichotomy between materialistic theories that stress the economic dimension of public participation and social movements, and idealistic approaches that address the symbolic and cultural aspects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-155
Author(s):  
Luca Tratschin

In diesem Aufsatz argumentiere ich, dass die soziale Zuschreibung von Protesten ein entscheidendes Moment in der sozialen Konstruktion sozialer Bewegungen darstellt. Dieser Aspekt ist in der Literatur nicht ausreichend behandelt worden. Dies zeige ich mittels der Diskussion dreier Traditionen – dem politischen Prozessmodell, der Systemtheorie und der kulturellen Pragmatik – auf: Um dieser geringen Aufmerksamkeit zu begegnen, entwickle ich eine Konzeptualisierung von Zuschreibungsprozessen, die zwei Teilprozesse der Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten unterscheidet: Protestofferten und Protestrezeption. Ich diskutiere dieses Konzept an zwei relevanten Kontexten, in denen Proteste gesellschaftlich konstruiert werden: bewegungsbezogene Gegenöffentlichkeiten und massenmediale Öffentlichkeiten. Mein Plädoyer dafür, die kommunikative Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten als soziologisches Forschungsthema ernst zu nehmen, mündet in der Entwicklung eines konzeptionellen Rahmens für zukünftige Forschung. In this paper, I argue that the social attribution of protests to social movements is a crucial moment in the social construction of social movements. This issue has not yet been sufficiently addressed in theory and research. I demonstrate this shortcoming by discussing three theoretical frameworks: The political process model, systems theory and cultural pragmatics. In order to address this gap, I develop a conceptualization of attribution processes that distinguishes two sub-processes of the construction of movement protests: protest messages and protest reception. Furthermore, I discuss two relevant contexts in which protests are socially constructed: movement-related counter-public spheres and mass media public spheres. I plead for taking the communicative construction of movement protests as a research topic seriously. To this end, I develop a conceptual framework for future research.


Author(s):  
Victoria Carty

The Bush Doctrine, which was installed after the 9-11 attacks on the United States under the guise of the war on terrorism, postulated a vision of the United States as the world’s unchallenged superpower and the invasion of Iraq became one of the central fronts of this war. After failing to get approval by the United Nations for the invasion, the Bush Administration’s attempt to assemble a coalition of the willing became critical to the battle for public opinion to back the war. While the administration was able to garner some support, the coalition eventually unravelled and all troops are expected to depart by 2011 in what is perceived by many as a failure of U.S. foreign policy. This article discusses how different strands of social movement theory, including resource mobilization and the political process model, can be combined to examine how the coalition of the unwilling emerged and what effect it had on the failure of the United States to sustain support for the Iraq war. It contributes to the literature on social movements by assessing the ways in which structural- and micro-level mobilization efforts are often interconnected in order to explain both the how and the why of social movements, usually treated separately in much of the extant research.


Author(s):  
Michael Bratton

Knowledge about mass political attitudes and behavior derives mainly from studies of established Western democracies. But do populations under autocracy engage in the political process and, if so, do they support or challenge the status quo? Much depends on the nature of political regimes. To the extent that spaces for political expression are closed under autocracy, citizens face an unpalatable choice between political acquiescence and violent protest, with all the risks that such options impose. A key question for researchers is whether participants in authoritarian politics are active citizens or mobilized subjects. Survey evidence suggests that some people may be willing to grant legitimacy to strong leaders and to trust the institutions of a dominant state. Others nevertheless find ways to engage in conventional political behaviors such as discussing public affairs, taking collective action, and turning out to vote in elections, especially under hybrid competitive authoritarian regimes. Under what conditions do citizens sometimes rebel against entrenched authority? Regime type again seems to matter, with popular protest more common under open than closed systems. With reference to prodemocracy social movements, like the Arab Spring of 2011, analysts debate whether people take to the streets principally for reasons of rational self-interest or propelled by emotions like anger. And scholars explore the effects of new information and communications technologies, finding mixed results for political mobilization. As emphasized in the literature on contentious politics, the displacement of autocratic regimes from below is likely only if social movements build strong and sustained political organizations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Stefanos Koffas

Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.


Author(s):  
David N. Pellow

This chapter offers a review of the interdisciplinary literatures on electronic waste (e-waste) from an environmental justice perspective. Specifically, the author explores how e-waste reflects dynamic changes in the ways that the materiality of digital media intersects with ecological concerns and social inequalities. The author draws on several examples of e-waste production, reuse, recycling, and export around the globe as illustrations of these tensions. The author also discusses the ways that grassroots social movements and policy makers have responded to this crisis. Finally, the chapter considers a number of debates about the changing character of environmental justice struggles in the e-waste industry and workplaces.


Author(s):  
Timo Ali-Vehmas

Standardization is a crucial enabler of global business of information and communications technologies. Convergence of the underlying networking paradigms of licensed mobile communication and license-exempted internet has made progress, but full integration is still far from being complete. For standardization professionals, the unpredictable convergence makes decision making and participation in standardization complicated. This chapter examines collaboration in five closely related standardization organizations working in this field during the years from 2003 to 2008. The results show similarities and differences in collaboration structures and behaviours reflecting the specific scope and context of each standardization organization. Furthermore, this chapter extends the use of social network analysis as a tool to the field of empirical standardization research. The results pave the way towards better collaboration in standardization communities of converging mobile internet and beyond by providing better visibility and new insights to standardization leaders, policy makers, and users.


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