scholarly journals Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Stefanos Koffas

Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.

2020 ◽  
pp. 107780042093329
Author(s):  
César A. Cisneros Puebla

It is important to define the ethnographical practices as a way of thinking and doing critical qualitative inquiry. Creative subversion currently arises as a breaking of rules, institutional change, social or political protest, popular or civic rebellion, fighting the law or simply radical transformation of situations. Today it is everywhere even though there is too much silence around it, which could be catastrophic for qualitative research. Reflexive methods could be enriched if researchers looking for social transformation and collaborating in civil resistance integrate in their ethnographical practices the creative subversion as shared knowledge object. It is pertinent to interpret the social action involved in such transformative processes as a poetics of rage collective or individually performed. Doing a review of how creative subversion has been dealt in the contemporary social science, this article is an effort to provide a nuance and rigorous definition.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-20
Author(s):  
Константин Сигалов ◽  
Konstantin Sigalov ◽  
Ольга Родионова ◽  
Olga Rodionova

In article features of the present stage in development of the social state are investigated, the main reasons which crammed many modern states are established to reconsider priorities in the social policy and also foreign experience of those states which, despite an economic crisis, could keep stable social systems is analyzed. Authors of article propose measures which could promote increase in efficiency of social function of the state in Russia at the present stage.


1980 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-205
Author(s):  
Ira J. Cohen

State intervention into the ownership, financing, and regulation of various industries and sectors of the capitalist economy is a phenomenon as old as capitalism itself. In the last 15 years this topic has become a focal point of vigorous interest among social scientists. Given the manifest problems to be found within current political-economic relationships, it is not surprising that a great deal of this attention has been focused on the contemporary scene. Nevertheless, a small number of works have undertaken the explanation of the historical development of state intervention. Unfortunately, the historian in search of explanatory guidance is confronted here with a series of less than comprehensive analyses which move at descriptive and explanatory cross-purposes. The first tasks of the social scientist or historian who wishes to address the development of state intervention therefore must be to classify and clarify the accounts which have been proposed.


1983 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 851-868 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Keyes

Although the Thai-Lao peasants living in rain-fed agricultural communities in northeastern Thailand have experienced some improvements in their socioeconomic situation as a consequence of the growth of the Thai economy since the mid-1950s, these peasants still constitute the poorest sector of the population of Thailand. Moreover, the socioeconomic position of the rural northeastern Thai populace has actually declined relative to that of the urban populace and that of the rural populace living in central Thailand. The economic disadvantageous position of Thai-Lao peasants is linked with a sense of being an ethnoregional minority within a polity that has been highly centralized since reforms instituted at the end of the nineteenth century. Much of the social action of Thai-Lao peasants with reference to the political-economic constraints on their world can be understood, as long-term research in one community reveals, as having been impelled by rational calculation aimed at improving the well being of peasant families. The ways in which peasants have assessed in practice the justice of these constraints as well as the ways in which they have assessed the limits to entrepreneurship must be seen, however, as being rooted in moral premises that Thai-Lao villagers have appropriated from Theravada Buddhism as known to them in their popular culture.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (5) ◽  
pp. 1035-1061 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhir Vishnu Poruthiyil

Social movements driven by a combination of religious nationalism and economic fundamentalism are globally grabbing the levers of political, economic, and intellectual control. The consequence is a policy climate premised on polarization in which inequality and destruction of the natural environment are condoned. This creates demands on key academic institutions like business schools, with stakeholders who are complicit in the sustenance of these social movements. Scholars in these schools have an opportunity to respond through curricula that facilitate reflection on the ideological preferences of such groups under their influence. However, stakeholders influenced by religious nationalism tend to reject the premises of liberal secular vocabulary as elitist or alien and hence suspicious. This article considers a teaching strategy to instill values of equality and respect for nature among the stakeholders by grounding curriculums in the tenets of the same religion valorized by the social movements. The consequences of such a strategy is discussed through its application to the business curriculums taught in India, where a regressive social movement with totalitarian pretensions— Hindutva—combined with neoliberalism has secured unparalleled power. Elements of this strategy could inform educators in other democratic societies facing similar challenges.


Author(s):  
Bryn Jones ◽  
Mike O’Donnell

This chapter continues the book’s focus on social justice and change agents by identifying these concerns in the evolution of social movements. The authors argue that, in addition to making explicit criticisms of neoliberalism, social movement campaigners and their networks could also play similar roles to those previously taken by labour movement organisations as advocates and facilitators of classical social democracy. Their emphasis on more direct democracy in socio-economic governance might stimulate a revival of this recently neglected element in the social democratic tradition. In this respect the relationship between prominent social movement activists and progressive parties is likely to be crucial in future years. In particular movement activists may need to determine whether they can achieve a strong relationship between the progressive forces of civil society and a Labour Party potentially revitalized in its egalitarian and democratic vision. The key challenge is to channel the energy and idealism of civil society groups into more far-reaching political and social transformation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Iswandi Syahputra

This article discusses Indonesian cyber society active­ties and its configuration on social media which considered being able to encourage social movements, for instance Defen­ding Islam Action, subsequently well known as ‘Defending Islam Action 212’. This article argues that netizens' activities on social media turned out to involve various class variants and social status and are able to encourage the ' Defending Islam Action’. Moreover, the social formation and activities of netizens on the social media constitute the prospects for the social construction of the cosmopolitan Muslim community in Indonesia. The portrait of Indonesian cosmopolitan Muslim is seen as a cong­re­gation of citizens compelled by their religious awareness, regardless of social, political, economic boundaries and even inter-religiosity which reveres universal principles of humanity.


Author(s):  
Faruk Andaç

Even if the social state concept is considered as a barrier to entrepreneurship, it is in fact a form of state government that encourages entrepreneurship. Social State, first of all, is a form of state that provides social welfare of society, social justice and social peace in the society. Entrepreneurship is generally introduced as a process including more risk-taking, innovation that is open to modernism, activities such as opportunity assessment. In fact, entrepreneurship comprises all of the activities including business continuity, sustainability, development and expansion. Accordingly, entrepreneurship is not only to establish a business, but also to develop and change it. Thus, entrepreneurship requires stability, continuity and practice. Entrepreneurs may unavoidably face some political, economic, social, military, financial obstacles that can not be anticipated. In such cases, entrepreneurs must be able to overcome the obstacles at the least possible costs. An entrepreneur is able to sustain his activities in a confident and stable manner in the spirit of the social state.


Author(s):  
Fernando Antonio Alves

MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS, DIREITO DE RESISTÊNCIA E NORMATIVIDADE: A RESISTÊNCIA CIVIL EM CONFLITO COM A LEI E A ORDEM NOS MOVIMENTOS DE PROTESTO, NO ÂMBITO DO ESTADO CONSTITUCIONAL SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, RIGHT OF RESISTANCE, AND NORMATIVITY: CIVIL RESISTANCE IN CONFLICT WITH LAW AND ORDER IN THE DEMONSTRATION MOVEMENTS WITHIN THE CONSTITUTIONAL STATE Fernando Antonio AlvesRESUMO: Este artigo tem a proposta de discutir os efeitos políticos e jurídicos das manifestações populares ocorridas a partir de junho de 2013, no Brasil, protagonizadas por diversos atores, dentre eles, integrantes de movimentos sociais, como o movimento conhecido como Passe Livre. Essas manifestações foram responsáveis por revelar uma gama de grupos e reivindicações, que reacendem o debate sobre a atualidade da luta de classes e a força política da mobilização popular. Junto a isso, entende-se que uma abordagem sobre o fenômeno da resistência civil, em seus aspectos políticos e jurídicos, torna-se bem útil a fim de analisar até que ponto determinadas mobilizações sociais por meio dos meios de comunicação alternativos podem revelar uma pluralidade normativa diversa do monismo normativo encontrado no Direito oficial estatal, mormente com o emprego da teoria dos sistemas sociais autopoiéticos e a concepção de Constituição enquanto acoplamento entre o sistema político e o sistema jurídico, além de vislumbrar o surgimento de redes de mobilização e protesto em distintas comunidades. Tal estudo pode revelar até que ponto os fenômenos de revolta social e proposição de discurso revolucionário ainda podem ter eco nas reivindicações sociais de sociedades de modernidade tardia, tais como as reivindicações sociais do exemplo brasileiro.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Movimentos sociais; Direito de Protesto; Resistência Civil; Direitos Fundamentais. ABSTRACT: This paper has proposed to discuss the political and legal effects of popular demonstrations that took place from June 2013 on in Brazil, leaded by several actors, among them members of social movements such as the movement called Free Fare Movement. These demonstrations were responsible for revealing a range of groups and claims that rekindle the debate about the relevance of class struggle and the political power of popular mobilization. Along with this, it is understood that an approach to the phenomenon of civil resistance, in its political and legal aspects, becomes very useful in order to analyze the extent to which certain social mobilizations through alternative media may reveal a normative plurality diverse from the normative monism found in the official state law, especially with the use of the theory of autopoietic social systems and the conception of Constitution as a coupling between the political system and the legal system, in addition to the perception of the emergence of networks of mobilization and demonstration in distinct communities. This study may reveal the extent to which the phenomena of social revolt and enunciation of revolutionary discourse can still be reflected in the social demands of late modernity societies, such as the social demands of the Brazilian example. KEYWORDS: Social Movements; Right to Protest; Right to Demonstrate; Civil Resistance; Fundamental Rights.SUMÁRIO: Introdução. 1. Desobediência civil e direito de resistência no marco do Estado moderno: fundamentos teórico-filosóficos do sistema político moderno, dentro da ordem constitucional estabelecida e a consequente repressão estatal pelo discurso da manutenção da ordem diante de sua iminente violação. 2. A criminalização dos protestos no Brasil por meio da lei 12.850 de 2013: seriam os black blocs os novos inimigos do Estado? 3. Sistema jurídico fundado no Direito oficial e o Direito dos diversos subsistemas sociais, na tensão entre um direito emancipatório e um direito regulatório. 4. Normatividade policontextural na atuação dos movimentos sociais. Considerações finais. Referências.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-155
Author(s):  
Luca Tratschin

In diesem Aufsatz argumentiere ich, dass die soziale Zuschreibung von Protesten ein entscheidendes Moment in der sozialen Konstruktion sozialer Bewegungen darstellt. Dieser Aspekt ist in der Literatur nicht ausreichend behandelt worden. Dies zeige ich mittels der Diskussion dreier Traditionen – dem politischen Prozessmodell, der Systemtheorie und der kulturellen Pragmatik – auf: Um dieser geringen Aufmerksamkeit zu begegnen, entwickle ich eine Konzeptualisierung von Zuschreibungsprozessen, die zwei Teilprozesse der Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten unterscheidet: Protestofferten und Protestrezeption. Ich diskutiere dieses Konzept an zwei relevanten Kontexten, in denen Proteste gesellschaftlich konstruiert werden: bewegungsbezogene Gegenöffentlichkeiten und massenmediale Öffentlichkeiten. Mein Plädoyer dafür, die kommunikative Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten als soziologisches Forschungsthema ernst zu nehmen, mündet in der Entwicklung eines konzeptionellen Rahmens für zukünftige Forschung. In this paper, I argue that the social attribution of protests to social movements is a crucial moment in the social construction of social movements. This issue has not yet been sufficiently addressed in theory and research. I demonstrate this shortcoming by discussing three theoretical frameworks: The political process model, systems theory and cultural pragmatics. In order to address this gap, I develop a conceptualization of attribution processes that distinguishes two sub-processes of the construction of movement protests: protest messages and protest reception. Furthermore, I discuss two relevant contexts in which protests are socially constructed: movement-related counter-public spheres and mass media public spheres. I plead for taking the communicative construction of movement protests as a research topic seriously. To this end, I develop a conceptual framework for future research.


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