scholarly journals When and Why Does Subjective Age Boost Competence and Proactive Work Behavior?

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 620-620
Author(s):  
David Weiss

Abstract Subjective age bias suggests that middle-aged and older adults feel relative younger, whereas adolescents and young adults often feel older than their chronological age. However, we still know very little about its social conditions and consequences across the life span particularly within the work domain. Across three studies (correlational, experimental, and field: Ns = 650, 16-85 years), we show that feeling older (among younger adults) and younger (among older adults) is triggered by undesirable age stereotypes concerning competence and status of young and later adulthood and desirable age stereotypes of midlife. We further demonstrate that feeling relatively older among young adults and younger among older adults increases individuals’ self-perceived competence at work and predicts proactive behavior such as speaking up. We discuss subjective age bias as socially-mediated phenomenon and how it affects behavior at work across the life span.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 324-324
Author(s):  
Maria Kurth ◽  
Robert Intrieri

Abstract Subjective aging (SA) has generally focused on middle-age and older adults in relation to physical and psychological health for the last 70 years (see Barak & Stern, 1986). Kornadt et al. (2019) recently called for more research examining: co-development of age stereotypes and SA, and this association across the lifespan. Literature examining SA and age stereotypes among younger adults is limited and suggests that age stereotypes are not directly associated with SA (Packer & Chasteen, 2006). Increased contact with older adults, however, is associated with less ageist attitudes (Bousfield & Hutchinson, 2010). This study examined SA and the associations between contact frequency and ageism. The sample consisted of 467 undergraduate students (Mage = 21.48, SDage = 2.63). Subjective age was assessed by asking How old do you feel compared with others your age?, and was scored on a 5-point scale from younger all the time (5) to older all the time (1). Ageism was assessed with the Aging Semantic Differential (ASD), which contains four factors. Results showed significant effects across felt age for contact frequency (F(4, 406) = 3.841, p = .004). Results for the ASD factors were mixed with Autonomy and Integrity showing significant effects for SA (F(4, 405) = 2.763, p = .027; F(4, 405) = 2.773, p = .027 respectively). Instrumentality and Acceptance were nonsignificant. Results suggested feeling older all the time is related to more contact, but more negative attitudes- this increased contact might providing priming for more ageist attitudes (Eibach et al., 2010).


Author(s):  
Alison L Chasteen ◽  
Michelle Horhota ◽  
Jessica J Crumley-Branyon

Abstract Objectives Although the prevalence of ageism against older people has been well-established, less is known about the characteristics of those experiences or the experiences of young and middle-aged adults. The present study addressed these gaps by examining young, middle-aged, and older adults’ self-reports of an ageist action they experienced. Methods Participants’ descriptions were coded for the domain in which the ageist experience occurred, the perpetrator of the ageist experience, and the type of ageist experience. Results Young adults most commonly reported experiencing ageism in the workplace with coworkers as perpetrators. Middle-aged and older adults also reported ageism in the workplace; however, they also frequently reported experiencing ageism while seeking goods and services. Perpetrators of ageism varied more widely for middle-aged and older adults. Regardless of one’s age, ageism was commonly experienced in the form of a lack of respect or incorrect assumptions. Discussion The findings enhance our understanding of ageism across adulthood by considering the domains, perpetrators, and types of ageist expressions that adults of all ages encounter. They also suggest that interventions to reduce age bias will require multifaceted approaches that take into account the different forms that individuals experience across the life span.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Maayan Sayag ◽  
Gitit Kavé

Abstract Older adults consistently report young subjective age and provide high ratings of their subjective health. The current research examined which social comparisons older adults make when they assess their subjective age and health, as well as the effects of experimentally manipulated social comparisons on these assessments. In Study 1, 146 participants (aged 60 and over) reported to whom they compared themselves when assessing their subjective age or health. In Study 2, 100 participants (aged 60 and over) reported their subjective age and health after receiving feedback that compared them to younger adults or to their peers. Study 1 shows that participants compared themselves primarily to their peer group. Yet, individuals who selected a younger comparison group when assessing subjective age reported a younger subjective age, better self-rated health and more positive expectations regarding ageing relative to those who selected their peers as a comparison group. No equivalent differences emerged in any of the measures when participants were divided by their selection of comparison group after providing their self-rated health ratings. In Study 2, feedback that emphasised the performance of younger people led to reports of younger subjective age relative to feedback that emphasised peer performance, with no equivalent difference for self-rated health. These findings help explain why older adults feel younger and healthier than they actually are. We suggest that older adults use social comparisons as a strategy that protects them from the negative effects of ageing on self-perception.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 590
Author(s):  
Raeghan L. Mueller ◽  
Jarrod M. Ellingson ◽  
L. Cinnamon Bidwell ◽  
Angela D. Bryan ◽  
Kent E. Hutchison

In recent years of expanding legalization, older adults have reported the largest increase in cannabis use of any age group. While its use has been studied extensively in young adults, little is known about the effects of THC in older adults and whether the risks of cannabis might be different, particularly concerning intoxication and cognition. The current study investigated whether age is associated with the deleterious effects of THC on cognitive performance and other behavioral measures before and after ad libitum self-administration of three different types of cannabis flower (THC dominant, THC + CBD, and CBD dominant). Age groups consisted of young adults (ages 21–25) and older adults (ages 55–70). Controlling for pre-use scores on all measures, the THC dominant chemovar produced a greater deleterious effect in younger adults compared with older adults in tests of learning and processing speed, whereas there were no differences between old and young in the effects of the other chemovars. In addition, the young group reported greater cannabis craving than the older group after using the THC chemovar. Consistent with some reports in the preclinical literature, the findings suggest that older adults may be less sensitive to the effects of THC on cognitive and affective measures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 653-653
Author(s):  
Lizbeth Benson ◽  
Anthony Ong

Abstract Intensive measurements of individuals’ experiences allow for identifying patterns of functioning that may be markers of resilience, and whether such patterns differ across the life span. Using 8 daily diary reports collected in the second burst of the National Study of Daily Experiences (NSDE, n=848, age 34-84; 55%female), we examined whether positive emodiversity (Shannon’s entropy) attenuated the association between cumulative stressor exposure and depressive symptoms, and age-related differences therein. Results indicated age moderated the extent to which positive emodiversity attenuated the association between stress and depressive symptoms (b=0.11, p < .05). The attenuated association was strongest for younger adults with higher positive emodiversity, compared to those with lower positive emodiversity. For older adults, the association between stress and depressive symptoms was relatively similar regardless of their positive emodiversity. Implications pertain to for whom and in what contexts specific types of dynamic emotion experiences may promote optimal functioning and resilience.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S305-S305
Author(s):  
Jenessa C Steele ◽  
Amanda Chappell ◽  
Rachel Scott

Abstract Emotional responses to disrespect tend to be negative (Hawkins, 2015). Little is known about how responses to disrespect vary across age groups and relationship closeness. It is unknown whether older adults have more emotional protection against disrespectful experiences, or are more deeply affected due to relationship closeness. Overall, we might expect that older adults react less negatively to disrespect compared to young adults, as they are more-skilled emotion regulators (Carstensen, 1991; English & Carstensen, 2014). We aimed to explore if, and under which circumstances, older adults are more or less sensitive to disrespect compared to younger adults. Three hundred participants responded to six scenarios illustrating ignored disrespect. Participants were randomly assigned to close or distant relationship disrespect scenarios. Relationship closeness was first determined by requesting participants identify a person in each layer of Kahn and Antonucci’s (1980) Social Convoy Model. Identified names were then automatically inserted into the six scenarios. Emotional responses and sensitivity to each scenario were recorded. Participants in the close condition reported more sensitivity to disrespect and negative emotions than participants in the distant condition. Females reported more sensitivity to disrespect and negative emotions than males. We did not find overwhelming support for age differences in responses to disrespect. A single scenario indicated younger participants more sensitive to disrespect than older participants. Findings suggest it is more hurtful to be disrespected by someone close to you and females may be more sensitive to disrespect than males. More research investigating the role of age in disrespect is needed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S80-S81
Author(s):  
Grace Caskie ◽  
Anastasia E Canell ◽  
Hannah M Bashian

Abstract Attitudes towards aging include both positive and negative beliefs about older adults (Iverson et al., 2017; Palmore, 1999). Palmore’s (1998) Facts on Aging Quiz, a widely used assessment of knowledge about aging, also identifies common societal misconceptions about aging. Findings regarding age group differences in attitudes toward aging are mixed (Bodner et al., 2012; Cherry & Palmore, 2008; Rupp et al., 2005). The current study compared knowledge of aging, negative age bias, and positive age bias between young adults (18-35 years, n=268) and middle-aged adults (40-55 years; n=277). Middle-aged adults reported significantly greater average knowledge of aging than young adults (p=.019), although both groups had relatively low knowledge (MA: M=13.0, YA: M=12.2). Middle-aged adults also showed significantly less negative age bias (p<.001) and significantly more positive age bias than young adults (p=.026). Although the total sample was significantly more likely to be incorrect than correct on 23 of the 25 facts (p<.001), young adults were significantly more likely than middle-aged adults (p<.001) to respond incorrectly for only 2 of 25 facts. Both facts reflected greater negative age bias among young adults than middle-aged adults. These facts concerned older adults’ ability to work as effectively as young adults (fact 9) and frequency of depression in older adults (fact 13). Results demonstrate that age bias is not limited to young adults and may continue through midlife, though negative age bias in particular may be lower for individuals approaching older adulthood, which could have implications for their psychological and physical well-being.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S787-S787
Author(s):  
Anna E Kornadt ◽  
Catherine E Bowen ◽  
Svenja M Spuling ◽  
Maja Wiest

Abstract Using questionnaire data from the MIDUS study (N=6.325) we examined the extent to which people in their late 20s, 40s, and 60s think that positive stereotypic “old” and “young” characteristics describe themselves, their age peers, and other age groups. A constellation of “old” characteristics (e.g., wise, caring, calm) was seen as more descriptive of older adults, while a constellation of “young” characteristics (e.g., healthy, energetic) was seen as more descriptive of younger adults. Self-evaluations were highly positive and largely consistent across age groups. Compared to their age peers, younger adults saw themselves as having as many positive “young” characteristics but more positive “old” characteristics whereas older adults saw themselves as having more positive “young” characteristics but fewer positive “old” characteristics. The results support the stability of the aging self despite the existence of age stereotypes and the role of negative age stereotypes as a frame of reference for making self-evaluations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 014616722095007
Author(s):  
Lindsay S. Ackerman ◽  
William J. Chopik

Most research documenting bias against older adults has been conducted in individualistic and industrialized cultures. In the current study, we examined cultural variation in attitudes toward older adults and subjective age in a large sample of 911,982 participants ( Mage = 27.42, SD = 12.23; 67.6% women) from 68 different countries ( Msize = 12,077; Mdnsize = 425.5). We hypothesized that age bias would be lower among those living in highly collectivistic countries. We found that living in collectivistic countries was associated with less implicit and explicit age bias, and greater feelings of warmth toward older adults compared with highly individualistic countries. Given the impact of age bias and prejudice on both the targets and perpetrators of bias, further research is needed to examine the causes of and interventions for bias against older adults.


2002 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 583-591 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Giles ◽  
Dawna Ballard ◽  
Robert M. McCann

406 Anglo-American, Italian-American, and Italian (Northern and Southern Italy) students were asked to evaluate past conversations with same-age peers, i.e., 17 to 30 years, and older adults, i.e., 65 years and older While according older adults more deference, all cultural groups perceived older adults as more rigid and nonaccommodating than younger adults. Exchanges with older adults were reported as having more negative affect than were those with other young adults, and were also more likely to be avoided.


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