Taking the "Public" Out of Our Schools: The Political, Constitutional and Civic Implications of Private School Vouchers

2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 717-747
Author(s):  
E. C. Owens
1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Rubiane Inara Wagner ◽  
Patrícia Molz ◽  
Camila Schreiner Pereira

O objetivo deste estudo foi comparar a frequência do consumo de alimentos processados e ultraprocessados e verificar a associação entre estado nutricional por adolescentes do ensino público e privado do município de Arroio do Tigre, RS. Trata-se de um estudo transversal realizado com adolescentes, com idade entre 10 e 15 anos, de uma escola pública e uma privada de Arroio do Tigre, RS. O estado nutricional foi avaliado pelo índice de massa corporal. Aplicou-se um questionário de frequência alimentar contendo alimentos processados e ultraprocessados. A amostra foi composta por 64 adolescentes com idade média de 12,03±1,15 anos, sendo 53,1% da escola pública. A maioria dos adolescentes encontravam-se eutróficos (p=0,343), e quando comparado com o consumo de alimentos processados e ultraprocessados, a maioria dos escolares eutróficos relataram maior frequência no consumo de balas e chicletes (50,0%) e barra de cereais (51,0%), de 1 a 3 vezes por semana (p=0,004; p=0,029, respectivamente). Houve também uma maior frequência de consumo de alimentos processados e ultraprocessados como pizza (73,5%; p0,001), refrigerante (58,8%; p=0,036) e biscoito recheado (58,8%; p=0,008) entre 1 a 3 vezes por semana na escola pública em comparação a escola privada. O consumo de suco de pacote (p=0,013) foi relatado não ser consumido pela maioria dos alunos da escola particular em comparação a escola pública. Os dados encontrados evidenciam um consumo expressivo de alimentos processados e ultraprocessados pelos adolescentes de ambas as escolas, destacando alimentos com alto teor de açúcar e sódio.Palavras-chave: Hábitos alimentares. Adolescentes. Alimentos industrializados. ABSTRACT: The objective of this study was to compare the frequency of consumption of processed and ultraprocessed foods and to verify the association between nutritional status by adolescents from public and private schools in the municipality of Arroio do Tigre, RS. This was a cross-sectional study conducted with adolescents, aged 10 to 15 years, from a public school and a private school in Arroio do Tigre, RS. Nutritional status was assessed by body mass index. A food frequency questionnaire containing processed and ultraprocessed foods was applied. The sample consisted of 64 adolescents with a mean age of 12.03±1.15 years, 53.1% of the public school. Most of the adolescents were eutrophic (p=0.343), and when compared to the consumption of processed and ultraprocessed foods, most eutrophic schoolchildren reported a higher frequency of bullets and chewing gum (50.0%) and cereal bars (51.0%), 1 to 3 times per week (p=0.004, p=0.029, respectively). There was also a higher frequency of consumption of processed and ultraprocessed foods such as pizza (73.5%, p0.001), refrigerant (58.8%, p=0.036) and stuffed biscuit (58.8%, p=0.008) between 1 to 3 times a week in public school compared to private school. Consumption of packet juice (p=0.013) was reported not to be consumed by the majority of private school students compared to public school. Conclusion: The data found evidenced an expressive consumption of processed and ultraprocessed foods by the adolescents of both schools, highlighting foods with high sugar and sodium content.Keywords: Food Habits. Adolescents. Industrialized Foods.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (66) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
م.م أحمد حامد جمعة ◽  
◽  
د. كمال فيلد البصري

This study clarifies the analysis of the reality of the financial policy in the budget of Iraq 2019, and that analysis is evaluated by tracking the elements of the public budget from public expenditures and public revenues, and the study focuses on the size of the political impact on the path of public spending, as well as the analysis of public spending and revenues in various sectors and sections of the public budget. This study also shows the size of the risks resulting from the continuation of the financial deficit, as well as the risks of public debt according to the indicators of its sustainability analysis within the financial and economic indicators that express the risks of public debt. The study emphasized that public spending is still based on the political decision and does not achieve the principles and objectives of the economic budget that achieve the public benefit. The necessity requires efficient spending and fair distribution in order to avoid future public debt risks and their impact on future generations


Author(s):  
Alasdair Cochrane

Chapter 3 asks what kinds of institutions are needed to protect the worth and rights of sentient creatures. The chapter’s ultimate claim is that they are best protected by democratic institutions: that is, institutions which are participative, deliberative, and representative, and underpinned by a set of entrenched rights. Crucially, the chapter further argues that those institutions should be comprised of dedicated animal representatives. The job of those representatives should be to act as trustees of the interests of ‘animal members’ of the political community. In other words, their job should be to translate the interests of animals with whom we share a ‘community of fate’ into their deliberations with other representatives over what is in the public good.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112199169
Author(s):  
Kana Inata

Constitutional monarchies have proved to be resilient, and some have made substantive political interventions even though their positions are mostly hereditary, without granted constitutional channels to do so. This article examines how constitutional monarchs can influence political affairs and what impact royal intervention can have on politics. I argue that constitutional monarchs affect politics indirectly by influencing the preferences of the public who have de jure power to influence political leaders. The analyses herein show that constitutional monarchs do not indiscriminately intervene in politics, but their decisions to intervene reflect the public’s preferences. First, constitutional monarchs with little public approval become self-restraining and do not attempt to assert their political preferences. Second, they are more likely to intervene in politics when the public is less satisfied about the incumbent government. These findings are illustrated with historical narratives regarding the political involvement of King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand in the 2000s.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 632-638
Author(s):  
Stephanie A Bryson

This reflexive essay examines the adoption of an intentional ‘ethic of care’ by social work administrators in a large social work school located in the Pacific Northwest. An ethic of care foregrounds networks of human interdependence that collapse the public/private divide. Moreover, rooted in the political theory of recognition, a care ethic responds to crisis by attending to individuals’ uniqueness and ‘whole particularity.’ Foremost, it rejects indifference. Through the personal recollections of one academic administrator, the impact of rejecting indifference in spring term 2020 is described. The essay concludes by linking the rejection of indifference to the national political landscape.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document