scholarly journals Nations and Markets

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 793-815
Author(s):  
Harlan Grant Cohen

ABSTRACT Economics and security seem increasingly intertwined. Citing national security, states subject foreign investments to new scrutiny, even unwinding mergers. The provision of 5G has become a diplomatic battleground—Huawei at its center. Meanwhile, states invoke national security to excuse trade wars. The USA invoked the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade national security exception to impose steel and aluminum tariffs, threatening more on automotive parts. Russia invoked that provision to justify its blockade of Ukraine, as did Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to excuse theirs of Qatar. And with the spread of COVID-19, states are invoking national security to scrutinize supply lines. Multiplying daily, such stories have led some observers to dub the era one of geoeconomics. Nonetheless, these developments remain difficult to judge, and the relationship between economics and national security remains confused and slippery. The essay seeks clarity in the deeper logic of these labels, revealing a fundamental choice between the logics of markets and the logics of state. Whether invoked to ‘secure’ borders, privacy, health, the environment, or jobs, ‘national security’ is a claim about the proper location of policymaking. Appeals to economics, with their emphasis on global welfare and global person-to-person relationships, are such claims as well. Resolving disputes, this essay argues, requires recognizing these root choices.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 721-742
Author(s):  
Nicolas Lamp

ABSTRACT What role can the multilateral trade regime play in the trade wars triggered by the USA under the Trump administration? This article argues that the traditional goal of dispute settlement in the WTO—the positive resolution of disputes—has become largely unattainable in the circumstances of the trade wars, but that the regime can still play a valuable role by providing a framework for the rebalancing of obligations among the participants. Using the regime in this way would defuse tensions among the participants, would ensure that any new equilibrium that they achieve is integrated into the legal structure of the trade regime, and would provide the participants the opportunity to use the trade regime’s tools for solving disagreements at the margins, thereby lowering the risk that trade retaliation will spiral out of control. The article uses the example of non-violation claims in the context of national security measures to illustrate the potential for and benefits of re-integrating the trade wars into the multilateral trade regime. The article provides a detailed discussion of the legal justification for non-violation complaints in response to national security measures and argues that such claims provide an alternative course of action that is less confrontational than unilateral retaliation or violation claims, and faster to adjudicate than violation claims.


Subject Outlook for Pakistan-Gulf relations. Significance Pakistan's parliament last month voted against joining the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen. Since then Pakistan's Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Chief of Army Staff Raheel Sharif have visited Riyadh to clarify the decision, reassuring Saudi Arabia of Pakistan's support in case of any external aggression against the kingdom. The Yemen intervention has exposed some faultlines in the relationship between the two allies, as well as in Pakistan's ties with other members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), some of whom -- most notably the United Arab Emirates (UAE) -- described Pakistan's decision as "dangerous and unexpected". Impacts Pakistan will lose leverage in GCC states as the latter opt to provide aid via multilateral, international mechanisms. Islamabad will be reluctant to share nuclear technology with GCC states -- primarily for fear of provoking Washington. China will increasingly become Pakistan's preferred diplomatic and economic partner, despite a degree of mutual suspicion.


Author(s):  
Halim Baş ◽  
Muhammed Erkam Kocakaya

In this study, 16 countries in the MENA region (United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Djibouti, Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Malta, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, and Yemen) were included to the sample and was analyzed, by using a panel data method Pedroni Cointegration test, that relationship between “health expenditures” and “life expectancy at birth” in 2000-2016 period these countries. As a result of the analysis, there was no relationship between health expenditures and life expectancy at birth. Although health expenditures do not have a direct impact on life expectancy at birth, If the MENA region countries take needed measures (such as; to attach importance to institutionalization and functionality in health, focusing on disadvantaged groups, and to encourage investments of hospital and personnel), the inequalities in health outcomes would be reduced.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-654 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bonnitcha

ABSTRACT Questions of investment governance are central to current trade wars. The USA complains of China’s use of restrictions on US investment as a lever to force technology transfer, while China complains of the review of investment in the USA on national security grounds. This article examines the place of these debates about investment liberalization within the trade wars. The focus is on US conduct, as the instigator of the trade wars. I argue that the USA is pursuing diverse and partially inconsistent in relation to investment liberalization. In some contexts, the USA is continuing to pursue the objective of removing impediments to outward investment, which was the principal objective of US investment policy for the decades prior to the Trump administration. In other contexts, the USA is seeking to encourage the repatriation of US outward investment and to regulate inward and outward investment according to ill-defined security rationales. I argue that prevailing materialist accounts of the trade wars struggle to explain these inconsistencies. Instead, I suggest that constructivist political economy provides a more promising explanatory framework. According to this view, inconsistency in policy objectives stems from foundational uncertainty about the nature of the ‘problem’ of investment liberalization.


Author(s):  
Irina Onyusheva ◽  
Rungnapa Khamboocha ◽  
Nipaporn Muangmutcha

This paper analyzes the economic consequences of the trade war ongoing between the USA and China as applied to Thailand. The paper mainly focuses on the relationship between the global tariffs’ imposition during this US-China trade war as they directly hit several Thai export products as well as the US-China trade war impact on Thai business via dumping goods into Thailand and Thai products intermediately affected by the tariffs imposed on Chinese or US goods. Recently, it has been illustrated by many researchers and economists that trade wars, especially between those waged between such large economies have adverse economic effects on the global economy and international trade. This paper utilizes PESTEL and also causes and consequences analysis to explain the trends of the US or China exports of goods and services to Thailand, Thai intermediate inputs indirectly affected by the tariffs imposed on Chinese or US goods and dumping goods into Thailand as the latter could intensify domestic competition.


Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen

Qatar and the Gulf Crisis examines the attempt by four states – Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt – to isolate and blockade Qatar. The book explores in detail the policy responses taken in Qatar since early-2017 by a small state, cut off by its neighbors and subject to a regional power-play designed to appeal to the baser instincts of a U.S. presidency that had taken office lacking any real sense of a foreign policy and vulnerable, in its first months, to unprecedented attempts by foreign powers to influence American domestic and national security interests. The blockade of Qatar was launched fifty years to the day since Israel launched a surprise attack on the Egyptian Air Force at the start the Six-Day War. Just as that war came to define regional politics across the Middle East for a generation so the blockade of Qatar has developed into the most serious rupture in the Gulf since the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 and has become a similarly era-defining event for the region. Qatar and the Gulf Crisis examines how and why Qatar was able to beat back a blockade that was supposed to split the country and force it into a position of submission to the would-be regional hegemony of Saudi Arabia and Abu Dhabi (in the UAE).


2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 160-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Senokozlieva ◽  
Oliver Fischer ◽  
Gary Bente ◽  
Nicole Krämer

Abstract. TV news are essentially cultural phenomena. Previous research suggests that the often-overlooked formal and implicit characteristics of newscasts may be systematically related to culture-specific characteristics. Investigating these characteristics by means of a frame-by-frame content analysis is identified as a particularly promising methodological approach. To examine the relationship between culture and selected formal characteristics of newscasts, we present an explorative study that compares material from the USA, the Arab world, and Germany. Results indicate that there are many significant differences, some of which are in line with expectations derived from cultural specifics. Specifically, we argue that the number of persons presented as well as the context in which they are presented can be interpreted as indicators of Individualism/Collectivism. The conclusions underline the validity of the chosen methodological approach, but also demonstrate the need for more comprehensive and theory-driven category schemes.


2014 ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Glazyev

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Miftahul Huda

The reality of the difference in applying Islamic law in the context of marriage law legislation in modern Muslim countries is undeniable. Tunisia and Turkey, for example, have practiced Islamic law of liberal nuance. Unlike the case with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates that still use the application of Islamic law as it is in their fiqh books. In between these two currents many countries are trying to apply the law in their own countries by trying to bridge the urgent new needs and local wisdom. This is widely embraced by modern Muslim countries in general. This paper reviews typologically the heterogeneousness of family law legislation of modern Muslim countries while responding to modernization issues. Typical buildings seen from modern family law reforms can be classified into four types. The first type is progressive, pluralistic and extradoctrinal reform, such as in Turkey and Tunisia. The second type is adaptive, unified and intradoctrinal reform, as in Indonesia, Malaysia, Morocco, Algeria and Pakistan. The third type is adaptive, unified and intradoctrinal reform, represented by Iraq. While the fourth type is progressive, unifiied and extradoctrinal reform, which can be represented by Somalia and Algeria.


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