Nonconformity in American Public Life

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Jennie C. Ikuta

Chapter 1 lays out the concern of the book. It observes that American public culture valorizes nonconformity and identifies its valorization in domains such as education, business, and politics. In addition to an ethical ideal that constitutes the life well-lived, nonconformity is framed as a political ideal crucial to democracy. However, the rhetoric of nonconformity has also been put to use in troubling ways. Figures on the right have employed the rhetoric of nonconformity to express hostility to democratic ideals such as racial and gender equality. The substantive openness of nonconformity as a concept explains how it has been mobilized for different ends, including some at cross-purposes with one another and with democracy. What does it mean to be a nonconformist? Is nonconformity an absolute ideal, or should it be limited by substantive commitments? Answering these questions requires turning to the writings of Tocqueville, Mill, and Nietzsche.

Author(s):  
Joan Marie Johnson

Chapter 1 examines how suffragists recruited wealthy women to the woman suffrage movement, who these donors were, and why they decided to give their money—and sometimes their time—to fight for political equality. This chapter argues that focusing on their feminism highlights a strand of suffragism that called for gender equality rather than emphasized maternalism, the belief that women as mothers (or potential mothers) had the right and the duty to vote in order to protect children and clean up government. Having experienced both the power of money and its limitations influenced the way women linked economic independence and political equality, which they believed were necessary whether one earned wages in a factory, was a professional with a college degree, or inherited a large fortune. Susan B. Anthony had understood that their donations were necessary, and Alva Belmont and Katharine McCormick gave donations essential to winning the right to vote for women.


Author(s):  
Susan Millns ◽  
Charlotte Skeet

Abstract This article analyzes women’s contemporary use of rights to mobilize and pursue claims for gender equality and gender justice in the United Kingdom. Empirically, the paper explores the growth of rights discourse and activity against the backdrop of a stronger constitutionalization of women’s rights at national, European, and international levels. It does this through an exploration of individual and collective lobbying and litigation strategies in relation to violence against women. The paper first examines this in the context of the right to bodily integrity through examples of the ways in which sexual violence and domestic abuse are addressed within the criminal justice system. The paper then addresses the right to be free from violence for women seeking refuge and asylum. The research reveals the need for varied strategies that target all aspects of the legal and political systems in order to ameliorate the protection and implementation of women’s rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 67-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvia Walby

Is Europe cascading into fascism? The answer to this question matters for understanding the opposition to gender equality projects in Europe. The article addresses some of the key concepts needed to answer this question. Is ‘fascism’ or ‘authoritarian neoliberalism’ or just ‘neoliberalism’ the most appropriate concept to capture the turn to the right? The article compares the extent to which these concepts encompass ‘violence’ and ‘gender’. ‘Fascism’ is an important benchmark from European history, but Europe has not yet reached its levels of violence. The qualifier ‘authoritarian’ is not needed for ‘neoliberalism’ since it generates a trajectory towards violence. Some conceptual work is required in order to develop ‘neoliberalism’ to encompass ‘gender’ and ‘violence’, but there are bodies of work that support such a development. Including gender in analyses of the macro level changes occurring in Europe requires the concept of ‘varieties of gender regime’, which enables the conceptualisation of neoliberalism as gendered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-94
Author(s):  
NIK SALIDA SUHAILA NIK SALEH ◽  
WAN ABDUL FATTAH WAN ISMAIL ◽  
SYAHIRAH ABDUL SHUKUR

Even though equality has been described as a simple concept, its meanings and principles have not been properly understood by the public. Similar treatment might not have a value of neutrality because, once the right to equality is related to and enforced by laws, its objectivity and impartiality can be challenged. The Malaysian government is making progress towards a safer and more equal environment for women and girls following the proposed new or amended legislation. These includes the anti-stalking law, the Sexual Harassment Act, and ending child marriage. Furthermore, the establishment of a Select Committee on Rights and Gender Equality in Parliament have been considered as a good step forward for equality. Indeed, implementation of policies such as childcare facilities in government offices as well as encouraging the private sector to follow suit are good moves towards creating more opportunities and encouraging the participation of women in the workforce. This paper explores the conceptual understanding of ‘equality’ globally and from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence. This reflection is in line with Islamic belief that needs to reform the understanding of society based on the suggestion of Al-Quran and Islamic scholars. With this interpretation, this paper will explore Malaysia’s progress in empowering women and gender equality. Finally, this paper will suggest a way forward for Malaysia to empower women that have been marginalized and subordinated


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-270
Author(s):  
Arini Rufaida

Abstract: Studying the problems of women in various fields, especially marriage, always faces its own challenges. The lack of wife's rights in marriage gets some contradictions from a gender perspective. Did not rule out the possibility of connection with the wife's right to refuse reconciliation. This paper synergizes Islamic and gender perspectives on the issue of wife's right to refuse reconciliation. Efforts are being made to identify the shifts related to the classical fiqh formulation into a more egalitarian formulation according to the guidance of modern times. In addition, the next effort is to identify a new business of reasoning from the abstract domain to concrete rules. There are two steps that can be done, namely by analyzing the problem using the theory of equality and gender justice and the theory of maslahah from the perspective of several competent figures in their fields. From this, this paper confirms the similarity of perception between the aims of Islamic teachings (maqasid ash-shari’ah) and gender equality and human rights, that is the right for anyone to consider everything that will be done as long as it brings benefit.


Hawwa ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-110
Author(s):  
Louise Halper

AbstractIran and Turkey, one an Islamic, the other a secular republic, are the more successful loci of women's participation in public life, both politically and economically, than are a number of other states whose population is largely Muslim. I suggest their relative success (as measured by World Bank and UNHDR data) may be due to similar transformative shifts from monarchy to republic. Historical examination of the cases of Turkey and Iran suggests that while the mobilization of women into political activity is crucial, it need not result in similar legal changes. Obviously, the right to vote is fundamental to political participation and exists for women in both countries. The comparison of the two republics suggests that, at least in Muslim-majority countries, a legal regime explicitly protecting gender rights may be less central to social change, including women's participation in public life, than is a history of women's mobilization in support of popular politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-276
Author(s):  
Marijana Pajvancic

The text focuses on researching the sources that define public policies and those that form the legal framework within which there are (or are not) equal opportunities for women and men to exercise their rights under equal conditions, including the right to engage in scientific work. Documents (strategies and action plans) in the fields of education, science, gender equality and non-discrimination are the subject of attention. The research is also supported by legal regulations that positivise public policies through binding norms, which include international legal sources containing human rights and gender equality standards in the field of scientific work, as well as domestic legislation (Constitution and laws). The Constitution of the Republic of Serbia in its basic principles guarantees the equality of women and men and obliges the state to pursue a policy of equal opportunities and take special measures in order to achieve in practice the gender equality proclaimed by the Constitution. Our question is whether the state fulfils this constitutional obligation, whether it pursues a policy of equal opportunities in the field of science, whether it takes special measures as instruments for conducting a policy of equal opportunities, whether any special measures which are undertaken are sufficient and what effect they have.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-172
Author(s):  
Oliver Nahkur ◽  
Rein Taagepera

Abstract Interpersonal violence decreased and gender equality increased from 1991 to 2012 in nearly all of the 26 countries studied. After confirming the direction of change, as asserted by Pinker, we further specify how fast this change is. The lower violence becomes in a country, the harder it is to reduce it even more, and similarly for gender inequality. Apply the model of exponential approach to a limit. The world average Societal Index of Interpersonal Destructiveness (SIID, S) decreases over time as S=13.3 (e-0.0132(t-2001.5)-1), and Welzel’s gender equality (G) increases as G=1-0.378 e-0.0144(t-2001.5). The two are tightly related as G=1-0.120(S+12.6)0.466 (R2=.79 for logarithms). Sweden leads the world by many decades while Russia and Philippines lag the most.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Mahmud Arif

The issue of human rights has prevailed globally although it is can’t denied that historically that issue comes from tradition of the West Liberalism based on individualism standpoint. In fact, freedom and equality as essential part of human rights have not been appreciated yet suitably in the realm of long history of humankind so it was still found the slavery system. Even in the modern time, at several regions, the right of vote consisting of human right has not possessed by the women. There was a accusation from some scholars in the West that Islam is a religion opposing to human rights and gender equality. They argue that Islam has justified any religious violence, has cut religious freedom down, and has tolerated gender unequality. If it is viewed from the basic principle of takhfif wa rahmah (giving easiness and love), such accusation looks obviously problematic, because Islamic tenets normatively appreciate to establish human rights and gender equality. But empirically, religious interpretation often contributes in mainstreaming culture that castrates any religious freedom and gender equality. As one of religious interpretation product, fiqih (Islamic jurisprudence) for instance is claimed to contain many problems relating to religious freedom and gender equality. Such is the case, the reality of our national education. For a long time, in the Indonesian school system there are many factors causing failure of every endeavor for achieving the aim of human right education. This means that such basic priciple must be reactualized in the education system through hard efforts in humanizing education processes and pupil’s potencies.[Isu hak asasi manusia (HAM) telah mencuat sedemikian universal meski tidak bisa dinafikan bahwa dalam sejarahnya isu ini bermula dari tradisi liberalisme Barat yang titik pijaknya individual. Kebebasan dan kesetaraan sebagai elemen penting HAM ternyata belum diapresiasi secara semestinya dalam sejarah panjang pelbagai peradaban sehingga masih ditemukan adanya sistem perbudakan. Bahkan dalam kurun modern ini pun di sebagian wilayah, hak untuk memilih yang menjadi bagian dari hak asasi belum juga dinikmati oleh kaum perempuan. Muncul tuduhan dari sebagian kalangan di Barat bahwa Islam adalah agama anti HAM dan bias gender. Argumen yang dikemukakan, Islam membenarkan tindak kekerasan atasnama agama, memasung kekebasan beragama, dan mentolerir ketidakadilan terhadap perempuan. Diletakkan dalam konteks prinsip dasar takhfif wa raḥmah, tuduhan tersebut nampak problematik, mengingat secara normatif ajaran Islam sangatlah menjunjung tinggi penegakan HAM dan kesetaraan gender. Hanya saja, dalam realitas empirisnya tafsir keagamaan tidak jarang justru ikut andil dalam pembentukan arus besar budaya yang memberangus kebebasan beragama dan ketidakadilan terhadap kaum perempuan. Sebagai salah satu produk tafsir keagamaan, fikih misalnya diakui masih menyimpan banyak persoalan menyangkut kekebasan beragama dan kesetaraan gender. Demikian halnya dengan dunia pendidikan nasional. Selama ini, dalam sistem persekolahan di Indonesia masih banyak ditemukan faktor penyebab kegagalan bagi setiap upaya mencapai tujuan pendidikan HAM. Ini berarti prinsip dasar tersebut perlu diejawantahkan dalam sistem pendidikan melalui upaya memaksimalkan peran humanisasi dan hominisasi pendidikan.]


2020 ◽  
pp. 72-81
Author(s):  
Zoia Shevchenko

The aim of the article is to identify the ideological and cultural prerequisites for gender equality in society. Politics is the central battlefield of the social struggle for the rights of all gender groups, but in modern Ukraine the main gender group that has a real chance to achieve significant success in this struggle is women. This is evidence of the unfinished struggle for gender rights and gender equality in Ukraine. This struggle is an integral part of the liberalization of public life, which is rightly associated with the European dimension of Ukrainian national identity. Bringing the level of social institutions closer to similar European models, on the one hand, has an integral part of achieving gender equality, on the other hand — it is necessary to achieve all other types of equality of Ukrainian citizens in their political rights. The issue of gender equality is most vulnerable when radical, fundamentalist attitudes are on the rise in society. The democratic legal system of regulation of public life, which impartially ensures the observance of individual rights and freedoms of members of any communities and gender identities, is attacked both by supporters of traditional religious values and by representatives of the secular authoritarian system. In the case of Polish women’s protests, gender equality has become hostage to temporary political expediency in alliance with religious church interests, and in Ukraine, despite a favorable legal background, gender equality is hampered by a mixture of authoritarian pasts with a corrupt oligarchic political selection system.


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