Acampada Sol

2020 ◽  
pp. 87-122
Author(s):  
Cristina Flesher Fominaya

Chapter 4, “Acampada Sol: the Chrysalis and the Crucible,” shows how the camp was a distinct “event” with a specific internal logic, and draws on participant testimonies to transmit the emotional experience of what was a life-changing event for participants. It argues that the camp was a chrysalis, a protected stage of development within which the 15-M movement was born, and a crucible, in that it served as a container into which old and new elements fused together under an exceptional situation of emotional intensity to create something new: a more consolidated ethos and political culture, as well as new sets of social relations that would go on to generate a broad network of interrelated assemblies, collectives, events, and political projects, all organized around a collective identity and a political culture referred to in Spain simply as “15-M.” Due to sustained and intense interaction in space and time, movement camps provide a unique opportunity for building the social capital that can develop from mobilization and sustain movements over time. In its deliberative and experiential experimentation with democracy, the camp engendered an emerging imaginary that coupled reform of democratic forms (in social, economic, and political institutions) with substantive content that drew on the key ideational frameworks of the movement traditions present in the square.

Author(s):  
Jón Viðar Sigurðsson

This introductory chapter provides an overview of friendship. Friendship exists in a state of constant flux, being shaped by and shaping other personal relationships. Thus, it cannot be studied in isolation of other social relations. Until about 1970, the idea of a strong kin group was central to the discussion of Norwegian and Icelandic society in the Viking Age and the high Middle Ages. The view was that a patriarchal kin-based organization united the social, judicial, political, and religious facets of society. The kin group possessed land in common and probably took care of the “individual kin-group member's need for protection, his lawful rights and his religious needs.” Over time there has been a shift in the debate in Iceland and Norway, from a focus on the kin-based society and the political institutions described in the law codes, toward the political culture and the role friendship played.


2001 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 239-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
PHILIP WITHINGTON

This review reconsiders the place and importance of urban political culture in England between c. 1550 and c. 1750. Relating recent work on urban political culture to trends in political, social, and cultural historiography, it argues that England's towns and boroughs underwent two ‘renaissances’ over the course of the period: a ‘civic renaissance’ and the better-known ‘urban renaissance’. The former was fashioned in the sixteenth century; however, its legacy continued to inform political thought and practice over 150 years later. Similarly, although the latter is generally associated with ‘the long eighteenth century’, its attributes can be traced to at least the Elizabethan era. While central to broader transitions in post-Reformation political culture, these ‘renaissances’ were crucial in restructuring the social relations and social identity of townsmen and women. They also constituted an important but generally neglected dynamic of England's seventeenth-century ‘troubles’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Dobbelaar ◽  
Anna C. K. van Duijvenvoorde ◽  
Michelle Achterberg ◽  
Mara van der Meulen ◽  
Eveline A. Crone

Developing social skills is essential to succeed in social relations. Two important social constructs in middle childhood, prosocial behavior and reactive aggression, are often regarded as separate behaviors with opposing developmental outcomes. However, there is increasing evidence for the co-occurrence of prosociality and aggression, as both might indicate responsivity to the social environment. Here, we tested whether a bi-dimensional taxonomy of prosociality and reactive aggression could predict internalizing and externalizing problems over time. We re-analyzed data of two well-validated experimental tasks for prosociality (the Prosocial Cyberball Game) and reactive aggression (the Social Network Aggression Task) in a developmental population sample (n = 496, 7–9 years old). Results revealed no associations between prosociality and reactive aggression, confirming the independence of those constructs. Interestingly, although prosociality and reactive aggression independently did not predict problem behavior, the interaction of both was negatively predictive of changes in externalizing problems over time. Specifically, only children who scored low on both prosociality and reactive aggression showed an increase in externalizing problems 1 year later, whereas levels of externalizing problems did not change for children who scored high on both types of behavior. Thus, our results suggest that at an individual level, reactive aggression in middle childhood might not always be maladaptive when combined with prosocial behavior, thereby confirming the importance of studying social competence across multiple dimensions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

Traditionally, historians regard the demise of the Roman Republic as the end of politics. If politics is regarded as decision making that affects society as a whole, something certainly changed with the advent of single rule. Yet the traditional political institutions of senate and city council continued to exist for a remarkably long period of sixth centuries afterwards. It is argued that their role became social rather than political and that they became self-referential, offering the elite a platform to define and negotiate its own position and enact and negotiate major tensions and ambiguities of elite life. The behaviour of their members is best analysed under the heading of political culture, here defined as ‘a style of doing politics’. Such an approach focuses on the social meaning of the form of the behaviour rather than on the content of the decisions. The approach is underpinned by the theory of bounded rationality, which assumes that participants are bound by language and conventions. It is argued that a case study approach, focusing on specific texts or clusters of texts, offers the best way to proceed. It presents seven cases that will be studied in successive chapters, each representing a major tension or ambiguity inherent in Roman political culture.


Author(s):  
Erin Maglaque

The Conclusion explores some of the implications of the book, arguing in particular for a wider definition of humanistic writing; and for further study of ‘secondary’ humanism in Italy, and its relationship to political culture. It also argues that we need to know much more about the histories of women and families in the Mediterranean. In the final section, the Conclusion suggests that the desires and fears of these families were often irreconcilable with the social and political institutions of their imperial metropole. In a discussion of fantasy in this final section, I consider the wider implications of this intimate, subjective approach for the main political narrative which has structured Venetian historiography: the myth of Venice.


2005 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Downing

A social dimension to business development and inertia is currently acknowledged in several accounts of learning, business models, vision building, and innovation, and through more general concepts of networking, social capital, and embeddedness. Here a constructionist perspective is developed to improve our understanding of the interactions between entrepreneurs and stakeholders in all of these areas. This identifies narrative and dramatic processes that describe how notions of individual and collective identity and organization are coproduced over time. A framework is created to show how selective and emotional processes that produce storylines, emplotment, and narrative structure support sense making and action making.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.


Author(s):  
S. S. Melnikov

The paper analyzes the genesis of modern political humor and determines its position in the system of spiritual relations in society. The formation of the need to comprehend social relations by means of humor during progressive transition from traditional to modern society is investigated. We note that humor is essentially a social phenomenon. A fundamental distinction between humor formed in the modern period and humor of previous times is the presence of reflexivity. New kind of humor has also dealt with political relations began to be interpreted by means of humor culture. In the course of research we found that comic interpretation of politics became feasible due to the legislative fixation of individual rights as a part of modern political culture. The emancipated personality demonstrates more complicated expectations to a political institute and experiences acute dissatisfaction as state authorities have often made decisions not appropriate to such expectations. For the individual as sovereign entity political humor became a sort of social and psychological compensation. An author pays attention to the fact that the social subject having shown such a reaction was formed during the second half of XIX and the beginning of XX centuries because of the dissemination of the print media and was named «the audience». The audience became a key agent of humorous reflection about the political institute. As a case that grounds the applicability of this theory to the practice the paper considers the example of inclusion of specific comic genre (political caricature) in the social discourse in the West and in Russia.


Author(s):  
Leonie Lockstone-Binney ◽  
Judith Mair ◽  
Tom Baum ◽  
Faith Ong

The nature of events demand uniqueness and memorability, but the specific elements of experience that produce these have not been deeply examined, particularly over the course of the event experience. Much of this relies heavily on event places and the social relations they facilitate. This research used the concept of temporary communitas and built on the Event Experience Scale (EES) through an ethnographic study of an iconic multi-day, spectator driven sporting event. Solicited participant diaries of eight friends and family who travelled to attend the 2017 Boxing Day Ashes Test in Melbourne, Australia, were collected pre, during and post-event to capture the event experience as it emerged over time. Qualitative analysis of the ethnographic accounts revealed four event experience themes (competition, emotions and atmosphere, special experience and interactions), which collectively were connected to a strong sense of temporary communitas. These themes were evident across the event cycle, providing insight into the nuances of the event experience, and highlighting the importance of understanding the social relations generated in the event place pre- and post-event. Consequently, it is suggested that revision to the existing EES instrument is required to more comprehensively assess for temporary communitas as part of the event experience. Future studies could usefully test the factor structure of the EES with and without the suggested additional temporary communitas items and compare both models on the basis of their reliability and validity.


2020 ◽  
pp. 265-288
Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

The conclusion brings the major characteristics of Roman political culture together and discusses the implications of the approach. It sketches some of the connections between the seven cases. It addresses the question of the extent to which Roman political culture changed over time. The boundaries of the subject in space and time are delineated in order to investigate to what extent it is justifiable to regard Roman political culture as a single, homogenous entity. It discusses the implications of the spread of Roman political culture over the rest of the institutional landscape. The emergence of an alternative, Christian discourse is sketched, focusing on the way it appropriated elements of traditional political culture. It addresses institutional longevity: how can we explain the continuation of political institutions that served no apparent political function?


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