Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 265-288
Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

The conclusion brings the major characteristics of Roman political culture together and discusses the implications of the approach. It sketches some of the connections between the seven cases. It addresses the question of the extent to which Roman political culture changed over time. The boundaries of the subject in space and time are delineated in order to investigate to what extent it is justifiable to regard Roman political culture as a single, homogenous entity. It discusses the implications of the spread of Roman political culture over the rest of the institutional landscape. The emergence of an alternative, Christian discourse is sketched, focusing on the way it appropriated elements of traditional political culture. It addresses institutional longevity: how can we explain the continuation of political institutions that served no apparent political function?

Author(s):  
Laurence Raw

The relationship between translation and adaptation has remained problematic despite the appearance of two books on the subject. The difficulty lies in understanding how both terms are culturally constructed and change over space and time. Chapter 28 suggests that there is no absolute distinction between the two; to look at the relationship between translation and adaptation requires us to study cultural policies and the way creative workers respond to them, and to understand how readers over time have reinterpreted the two terms. The essay considers the lessons ecological models of learning in collaborative micro-cultures have to offer adaptation scholars and translation scholars alike.


Author(s):  
Filippo Sabetti

This article attempts to take stock of the state of research on democracy and culture by providing answers to several sets of questions. It seeks to improve the understanding of the relationship between culture and action, and between political culture and democratic outcomes. The article begins by exploring the way the literature has dealt with the possible meaning of culture and political culture and their relationship to action. It also suggests why there has been little contribution to democracy derived from political culture research, and identifies how the efforts to rethink how and why the subject matter is approached in certain ways led many analysts to break out of established epistemological demarcations. This eventually led to the reinvigorated tools of investigation and research on democracy and civic culture. The article concludes with a discussion on the implications of improved tools of investigation for future research.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-124
Author(s):  
Cassiano Highton

Abstract The way of understanding the law has changed substantially over time and the law of Torts as we have studied and dealt with it until now has evidently become outdated, the legal reality has moved away from the factual reality, we are facing the new paradigms of the digital and technological revolution, with an evident and clear distancing from the classical theories of the law of Torts, a context that requires a specific and updated approach to the subject.


2018 ◽  
pp. 207-218
Author(s):  
Marceli KOSMAN

The royal throne was a permanent element of feudal political culture, and the institution of the monarchy, albeit decidedly less significant, has survived until today, playing a primarily symbolic role in the democratic systems in Europe. The subject of the paper looks at the role of Polish rulers’ wives, as the majority of monarchs started a family, and their offspring later took the throne. This was the case of both great dynasties – the Piasts, from the mid-10th century, i.e. from the baptism of Mieszko I, and the Jagiellons (until 1572). After these dynasties ended, the period of elective kings, who were crowned with their wives, started. Over the years, at the very least, the informal role of the queens was growing. This process paved the way to women’s liberation, and, as of the end of the 18th century, it also encompassed the families of magnates and affluent gentry. A meaningful statement can be found in the poetry written by Bishop Ignacy Krasicki in the latter half of the same century, when he addressed men saying: “we rule the world, and women rule us”. The paper is only a sketch and promises a more in-depth monographic study.


1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Jordan ◽  
Nicholas Rogers

In recent years historians have significantly broadened the parameters of popular politics in the eighteenth century to include the ceremonial and associational aspects of political life, what might be aptly described as popular political culture. Whereas the subject of popular politics was conventionally confined to the programmatic campaigns of post-1760 radicals and to the crucial but episodic phenomenon of popular disturbance, historians have become increasingly attentive to the anniversaries, thanksgivings, processions, and parades—to the realm of symbolism and ritual—that were very much a part of Georgian society. This cultural perspective has radically revised our notion of the “popular,” which can no longer be consigned unproblematically to the actions and aspirations of the subaltern classes but to the complex interplay of all groups that had a stake in the extraparliamentary terrain. It has also broadened our notion of the “political” beyond the confines of Parliament, the hustings, and even the press to include the theater of the street and the marketplace with their balladry, pageantry, and iconography, both ribald and solemn.Within this context, the theme of the admiral-as-hero in Georgian society will be explored by focusing on Admiral Edward Vernon, the most popular admiral of the mid-eighteenth century, and Horatio Nelson, whose feats and flamboyance are better known. Of particular interest is the way in which their popularity was ideologically constructed and exploited at home. This might seem an unorthodox position to take. Naval biographers have assumed that the popularity of admirals flowed naturally and spontaneously from their spectacular victories and exemplary feats of valor. This may be taken as a truism. But it does not entirely explain their appeal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
David Van Vliet ◽  
Marcos Mortensen Steagall

This article presents a practice-led research project that asks how experienced time can be perceived through manipulated photographic images. The investigation is carried out by a series of digital images whose content is renegotiated over time, while the subject of the photograph remains within the frame. The artwork evidences an unstable space between a photographic composition and a moving image employed to question the power conventions in visualization and to expand the way we can conceive of time as duration in digital photographic images. It contributes to the discourse about practice-led oriented methodologies in the field of practice as a form of research through a comment on the design practice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ros Jennings

This article focuses on two female ensemble dramas Tenko (BBC/Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 1981–5) and Call the Midwife (BBC, 2012–) and uses an ageing studies lens to explore the way that the ensemble format provides a particularly rich insight into the relationship between women, ageing and understandings of women's identity over time. The two dramas provide complex and evocative links between the spaces and times of British politics, culture and society in different historical periods enabling a highly nuanced engagement with the ideological constructions of concepts of age and women's gendered identities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 87-122
Author(s):  
Cristina Flesher Fominaya

Chapter 4, “Acampada Sol: the Chrysalis and the Crucible,” shows how the camp was a distinct “event” with a specific internal logic, and draws on participant testimonies to transmit the emotional experience of what was a life-changing event for participants. It argues that the camp was a chrysalis, a protected stage of development within which the 15-M movement was born, and a crucible, in that it served as a container into which old and new elements fused together under an exceptional situation of emotional intensity to create something new: a more consolidated ethos and political culture, as well as new sets of social relations that would go on to generate a broad network of interrelated assemblies, collectives, events, and political projects, all organized around a collective identity and a political culture referred to in Spain simply as “15-M.” Due to sustained and intense interaction in space and time, movement camps provide a unique opportunity for building the social capital that can develop from mobilization and sustain movements over time. In its deliberative and experiential experimentation with democracy, the camp engendered an emerging imaginary that coupled reform of democratic forms (in social, economic, and political institutions) with substantive content that drew on the key ideational frameworks of the movement traditions present in the square.


Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

This book offers an analysis of Roman political culture in Italy from the first to the sixth century AD on the basis of seven case studies. Its main contention is that, during the period in which Italy was subject to single rule, Italy’s political culture had a specific form. It was the product of the continued existence of two traditional political institutions: the senate in the city of Rome and the local city councils in the rest of Italy. Under single rule, the position of both institutions was increasingly weakened and they became part of a much wider institutional landscape. Nevertheless, they continued functioning until the end of the sixth century AD. Their longevity must imply that they retained meaning for their members, even when society was undergoing significant changes. As their powers and prerogatives shrank considerably, their significance became social rather than political: they allowed elites to enact and negotiate their own position in society. The tension between the fact that the institutions were at heart participatory in nature, but that their power was restricted, generated complex social dynamics. On the one hand, participants became locked in mutual expectations about each other’s behaviour and were enacting social roles, while on the other hand they retained a degree of agency. They were encapsulated in an honorific language and in a set of conventions that regulated their behaviour, but that at the same time offered them some room for manoeuvre.


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