Ideology and Identity

Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma

This book challenges the view that party politics and elections in India are far removed from ideas. It claims that a dominant intellectual paradigm of what constitutes an ideology is not entirely applicable to many multiethnic countries in the twentieth century. In these more diverse states, the most important ideological debates center on statism—the extent to which the state should dominate society, regulate social norms, and redistribute private property, and on recognition—whether and how the state should accommodate the needs of various marginalized groups and protect minority rights from assertive majoritarian tendencies. Using survey data from the Indian National Election Studies (NES) and survey experiments from smaller but more focused studies, and evidence drawn from the Constituent Assembly debates, it shows that Indian electoral politics, as represented by political parties, their members, and their voters, is in fact marked by deep ideological cleavages, with parties, party members, and voters taking distinct positions on statism and recognition. This ideological divide can account for the replacement of the one-party-dominant system by a party system in which regional parties have become far more important and a right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had spectacular success in the 2014 national elections. The focus on ideology also explains why leadership is so important in contemporary Indian politics as well as the limited influence of patronage politics. The book shows how education, the media, and religious practice transmit the competing ideas that lie at the heart of the ideological debates in India.

Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma

Indian party politics is typically characterized as centered around leaders, based on social cleavages, and not ideological. This book challenges those views and asserts that, as in many other parts of the world, a deep ideological divide frames the Indian party system. It claims that the paradigm of state formation based largely on class politics is not entirely applicable to many multiethnic countries in the twentieth century. In more diverse countries, the most important debates center on the extent to which the state should dominate society, regulate social norms, and redistribute private property and on whether and how the state should accommodate the needs of various marginalized groups and protect minority rights from assertive majoritarian tendencies. These two issues—the state’s role in transforming social traditions, and its role as accommodator of various social groups—constitute the dimensions of ideological space as it exists in Indian party politics today.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helge Kjekshus

The introduction of the one-party system in Tanzania in 1965 was in part explained as a means of rescuing the National Assembly or Bunge from decline and decay. This institution had become a rubber stamp, according to the Presidential Commission, making few meaningful contributions to the system of government: debates had become ‘lifeless and superficial’, and legislation was passed rapidly and uncritically, ‘without challenge to basic principles or careful examination of detailed provisions’. The President had appropriately raised the question of whether the National Assembly should be formally removed from the structure of the state, or amalgamated with that of the ruling party.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 567-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-François Godbout ◽  
Éric Bélanger

Recent works on economic voting have shown that the economy's impact on electoral behaviour could sometimes be mediated by differences in political conditions. This article specifies and tests the mediating role of one such factor, namely regionalism, on economic voting in Canada. The potential effect of two structural factors is tested: the regional configuration of the federal party system (clarity of available alternatives), and the regional structure of the economy. The data used come from the last four Canadian Election Studies (1988 to 2000). The results show that economic voting slightly differs among regions according to the presence or not of strong regional political parties, Quebec being the region where the relationship between the economy and the vote is the weakest. Even more significant differences in economic voting behaviour can be observed between ''have'' and ''have not'' regions, the shape of economic voting in the Atlantic provinces being distinct from the one in Ontario and the West.


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suhas Palshikar

This chapter discusses the paradigm shift in Indian politics beyond the realm of electoral hegemony. The historical mandate of 2014 was the watershed moment which has resulted in the restructuring of the party system and the emergence of a new ideological framework in the public sphere. The BJP succeeded in breaching linguistic, cultural and state barriers by creating an All India Imagination, this marks the dawn of the second dominant party system since the Indian National Congress in 1989. This vision of New India with Modi as the central force spells trouble for the state parties. The potent combination of development, Hindutva and nationalism shapes this new hegemony. Paradoxically, only an electoral upset can bring the BJP’s march to hegemony to a halt.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-13
Author(s):  
M. M. Aibatov ◽  

This article reveals the features and main trends of the process of democratization of the statepolitical system in the North Caucasus republics in the post-Soviet period. It is noted that the state-political systems of the North Caucasus republics are characterized by both democratic and authoritarian tendencies. The author emphasizes that in recent decades, the opportunities for democratic change of the political elite in the North Caucasus region have been significantly limited, which is primarily due to changes in legislation at the Russian and regional levels, primarily related to the actual abolition of direct national elections of heads of republics and municipalities. The national republics of the North Caucasus are characterized by a high concentration of power in the hands of top officials, which is due to the poorly established work of government bodies with appeals from citizens, the inefficiency of public chambers, the underdevelopment of the middle class, the unstructured civil society, and the lack of an effective multi-party system that can form a real opposition.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile A. B. van Rouveroy Van Nieuwaal

In recent years, political and other scientists have wondered whether the African One Party system is able to cope with all the problems a modern state administration has to deal with. One of the most intriguing questions is to what extent the One Party Rule, as a political system, produces a structural and fundamental weakness in itself by which an effective (local) government is nearly been obstructed. It is noticeable, however, that in those African States where the (neo)traditional elite still plays an important role, their socio-legal and socio-political position in the day-to-day interaction between the (local) administration has - scientifically - received too little attention. It appears, that chieftaincy possesses a remarkable capacity for adapting itself to social and political changes. The chief can probably fulfil a crucial role in future efforts aimed at socio-economic transformations at regional and even national levels. The Togolese Government, in 1990 started opening the door to a multiparty system, it hereby recognizes the fact that the (neo)traditional elite is an outstanding means to maintain the interaction and the communication between the State and the people.This contribution focuses on the interaction between the State in Togo and - in this very example: the Head of the State himself - and chiefs in North Togo particulary in the district of Sokodé in the period 1989 and 1987 at the moment that the paramount chief of the Tern (Kotokoli) has passed away and his succession to the throne has been the start of a strong, long and vehement struggle for power inside the Tern society and to a negotiation between the Head of State and the traditional political elite of that society. KEY WORDS: African administration, African State, chieftaincy, Togo, One Party System 


Author(s):  
Tamari Meir

The objective of this chapter is to investigate the balance between private property and economic freedom needed for wealth formation, on the one hand, and morality and communal justice, on the other. The state, Jewish ethics, and economic freedom are the main components of this article. Wealth creation, preservation, and transference to future generations are fundamental necessities of human existence. Fittingly, it has been the focus of religious, political, and philosophical thought, and social movements since the beginning of time. This article proceeds to state that Judaism does not see poverty as spiritual or desirable, nor the creation or increase of private individual wealth as evil or immoral. Because of Judaism's insistence on the legitimacy of economic activity and the essential reality of private property, both of these two causes of economic immorality require the constraint of enough. This article concludes by saying that the recognition of moral and social responsibilities is required to stabilize society.


2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (8) ◽  
pp. 1018-1048 ◽  
Author(s):  
KERSTIN HAMANN

Economic voting literature has shown that voters hold governments responsible for the state of the economy. Election studies have also found that voters punish governing parties that divert from their campaign promises and move their policy positions. These bodies of literature cannot convincingly explain the repeated reelection of the Socialist Party, which passed supply-side economic measures at odds with campaign promises and its traditional ideology. Furthermore, the party succeeded in gaining reelection regardless of the state of the economy and despite consistently high unemployment. In this article, it is argued that to better understand the repeated electoral success of the Socialist Party, three additional factors have to be taken into account: the party system, compensatory policies, and internal party politics. These factors allowed the Spanish Socialist Party to build an electoral support coalition based on lower classes, rural voters, and voters dependent on state-subsidized income.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-152
Author(s):  
Emile A. B. van Rouveroy

In recent years, political and other scientists have wondered whether the African One Party system is able to cope with all the problems a modern state administration has to deal with. One of the most intriguing questions is to what extent the One Party Rule, as a political system, produces a structural and fundamental weakness in itself by which an effective (local) government is nearly been obstructed. It is noticeable, however, that in those African States where the (neo)traditional elite still plays an important role, their socio-legal and socio-political position in the day-to-day interaction between the (local) administration has - scientifically - received too little attention. It appears, that chieftaincy possesses a remarkable capacity for adapting itself to social and political changes. The chief can probably fulfil a crucial role in future efforts aimed at socio-economic transformations at regional and even national levels. The Togolese Government, in 1990 started opening the door to a multiparty system, it hereby recognizes the fact that the (neo )traditional elite is an outstanding means to maintain the interaction and the communication between the State and the people. This contribution focuses on the interaction between the State in Togo and - in this very example: the Head of the State himself- and chiefs in North Togo particulary in the district of Sokodé in the period 1989 and 1987 at the moment that the paramount chief of the Tern (Kotokoli) has passed away and his succession to the throne has been the start of a strong, long and vehement struggle for power inside the Têm society and to a negotiation between the Head of State and the traditional political elite of that society.


GIS Business ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-245
Author(s):  
Khamrakulova O.D. ◽  
Bektemirov A.B.

The deepening of economic reforms in Uzbekistan is closely linked to the strengthening of macroeconomic stability and the maintenance of high rates of economic growth and competitiveness, the continuation of institutional and structural reforms to reduce the presence of the State in the economy, and the further strengthening of the protection of rights and the priority role of private property, as reflected in the Development Strategy for 2017-2021.


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