Protest from the Top Down

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mason W. Moseley
Keyword(s):  
Standard Form ◽  
State Theory ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
National Surveys ◽  
Political Voice ◽  
The Masses

This chapter tests another observable implication of the protest state theory; namely that where protest has normalized as an everyday form of political voice, political elites actively mobilize demonstrators in pursuit of their goals. In other words, rather than serving only as a spontaneous political expression of the masses, protest is often orchestrated and managed by formal political organizations. I first investigate how linkages to political organizations fuel contentious behavior in protest states like Argentina and Bolivia, but are more strongly associated with conventional participation in strongly institutionalized contexts like Chile and Uruguay. Then, utilizing a unique battery of questions from the AmericasBarometer national surveys of Argentina and Bolivia, I also test the hypothesis that clientelism can motivate protest participation in a context where protest has normalized as a standard form of political voice.

scholarly journals The Qeleshe and the Drone. Models of Political Expression at the Albania National Football Team’s Games in Belgrade

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Kovačević
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
National Team ◽  
Football Team ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Masses

In the space of 47 years the Albania national football team played two games at the JNA stadium in Belgrade. At both games, events with a clear political content took place. At the 1967 game, a group of about 5,000 fans supported the Albania national team, some of whom wore qeleshes as a possible marker of Albanian ethnicity. The 2014 game, which was also a European Championship qualifier, was marked by the appearance of a drone carrying the Greater Albania flag, which descended towards the pitch. As players tried to get hold of the flag, a scuffle broke out and supporters invaded the pitch, with the result that the match was suspended. In this paper, both events are interpreted within the context of other political events in the region immediately preceding and following the matches. The events at the 1967 game are compared to the demonstrations in Pristina a year later. The comparison highlights differences in the political attitudes of the masses and the elites. While the masses had clear aspirations towards the unification of all Albanians, regardless of the situation in Albania at the time and Enver Hoxha’s Stalinist regime, the elite perceived the danger of these ideas and channeled the strategy toward solutions that appeared feasible, namely, the establishment of a republic within Yugoslavia. Again, at the game 47 years later, the drone with the message of Greater Albania was not the expression of the political will of the elite, who were aware that Albania’s and Kosovo’s current political positions do not allow for the abolishing of borders. In both cases, the political elites did not explicitly reject the idea of unification, as it would be politically inopportune to reject an idea that is prevalent in the cultural intimacy of the broad masses of the people, but it was sidelined and modified into unity within the broader context of integrations and breaking down of barriers in the region and in Europe.

scholarly journals POLITIK DAKWAH DAN DAKWAH POLITIK DI ERA REFORMASI INDONESIA

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Andi Rosa
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Communication Line ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Research Activity ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Integrative Social

<p class="IIABSBARU">This research activity parse dzikir majelis Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) "Nurussalam" which has a strategic role in the democratic era. His status as a society organizations (NGOs) are positioned optimally by interest groups, political organizations and even into the container. By analyzing the dataobtained through interviews and documentation, the results of this study indicate that this council makes verses of the Qur’an that deals with the concept of al-‘<em>ummah</em>, <em>al-ukhuwwah al-islamiyya</em>, and <em>al-ta'āwun</em> as a cornerstone in interpreting para­graph integrative social which is then used as a propaganda entity. Proselytizing as mass communication, political communication line with more likely to use communication as a way to mobilize the masses massif. Even activities have been able to carry out the functions of political propaganda as part of the interest-group system.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Penelitian ini berusaha untuk mengurai kegiatan Majelis Dzikir Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) “Nurussalam” yang memiliki peran strategis di era reformasi. Statusnya sebagai organisasi masyarakat (Ormas) diposisikan secara maksimal oleh kelompok kepentingan, bahkan menjadi wadah lembaga politik. Dengan mengganalisis data yang diperoleh melalui wawancara dan dokumentasi, hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa majelis ini menjadikan ayat al-Qur’an yang berkaitan dengan konsep <em>al-‘ummah, al-ukhuwwah al-islāmiyyah, </em>dan<em> al-ta’āwun</em> sebagai landasan dalam menafsirkan ayat sosial integratif yang kemudian dijadikan sebagai sebuah entitas dakwah. Dakwah sebagai komunikasi massa, sejalan dengan komunikasi politik yang lebih cenderung memanfaatkan komunikasi sebagai cara massif untuk menggalang massa. Bahkan kegiatannya telah mampu melaksanakan fungsi politik dakwah sebagai bagian dari sistem <em>interest-group</em>.

Propaganda

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Beard
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Distorted Communication ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Over Time

Propaganda is the term for a variety of communication phenomena developed in the 20th century. As such, its meaning has changed over time from a largely neutral description of public relations and political communication towards an account of systematically distorted communication. The earliest major American proponent of the term, Edward Bernays (1891–1995), claimed that the ‘conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society’ (Bernays, 1928: 1). Bernays believed that ‘propaganda’, for him, a political variation on public relations work, was a tool used by political organizations and eventually businesses to organize and manipulate the desires, actions and will of the masses.

Uncertain ecosystems: the conceptual framework

2019 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
William J. Bond
Keyword(s):  
Trophic Ecology ◽  
Resource Constraints ◽  
Stable State ◽  
State Theory ◽  
Tree Cover ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Alternative Stable State ◽  
Positive Feedbacks ◽  
Vegetation Models ◽  
Global Vegetation

Climate sets the potential biomass of trees and physiologists have made considerable progress in understanding and predicting that potential and applying it in global vegetation models. The problem is in understanding and predicting tree cover where it is far from the climate potential. Vast areas of non-forested vegetation occur where climates are suitable for forests. Arguments over why forests are absent, ongoing for over a century, are generally polarized between favouring bottom-up factors (resource constraints) or top-down factors (herbivory, predation, fire). There is increasing support for hypotheses invoking the interaction between the two. This chapter introduces the key hypotheses, their assumptions and predictions. Trophic ecology is a useful framework for exploring departures from the climate potential for trees, focussing explicitly on regulation by consumers, including fire. Alternative stable state theory is emerging as particularly appropriate for explaining forest/non-forest mosaics with each state maintained by positive feedbacks to the preferred environment.

scholarly journals On the formation of elliptical galaxies*

1966 ◽  
Vol 290 (1421) ◽  
pp. 177-185 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Steady State ◽  
Elliptical Galaxies ◽  
State Theory ◽  
De Sitter ◽  
Observable Universe ◽  
Creation Process ◽  
Upper Limit ◽  
The Mean ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Characteristic Mass

It is suggested that elliptical galaxies are formed in an expansion from a steady-state situation in which the mean density is of order 10 -8 g/cm 3 . Such an expansion is possible because the inhomogeneous steady-state theory has an instability in which the creation process is essentially cut-off, and in which expansion proceeds according to the Einstein-de Sitter law. The characteristic mass of the ‘observable universe at the onset of such an instability is ca . 1013M®, and this is taken to set the upper limit to the masses of galaxies.

Education, Propaganda, and the People: Democratic paternalism in 1930s Siam

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1122-1142 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARJUN SUBRAHMANYAN
Keyword(s):  
Small Group ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Limited Capacity ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Top Down ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The People ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Second Category

AbstractOn the morning of 24 June 1932 the ‘People's Party’, a small group of civil and military bureaucrats, toppled the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy. This article discusses the establishment of democracy as an endeavour in ‘democratic paternalism,’ by which is meant the Party's attempt to establish a new moral and intellectual leadership that had as its main goal the creation of a depoliticized democratic citizenry. To implement their programme for democracy, the Party embarked on an ambitious plan to modernize education and explain popular sovereignty through countrywide lectures and radio programmes. The democratic paternalist effort had mixed results. State weakness limited the reach of the educational and propaganda campaigns, and further the ‘people’ in whose name the revolution was staged, constituted two different groups: a largely illiterate peasantry and a small, incipient new intelligentsia. Because of its limited capacity, the People's Party tasked the second group with assisting in democratic mentorship of the masses, but many in this second category of people had a broader conception of democracy than the Party's ‘top-down’ model and criticized the Party for its paternalist constraints on popular sovereignty. Democratic paternalism and frustration with the limits imposed on popular democracy are two central aspects of this period of history that have endured in Thai society.

scholarly journals Between “imagined” and “real” nation-building: identities and nationhood in post-Soviet Central Asia

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rico Isaacs ◽  
Abel Polese
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Construction Projects ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Grey Zone ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Soviet Central Asia ◽  
Analytical Tools ◽  
Different Levels

Much of the existing literature on nation-building in Central Asia offers a statist top-down approach which focuses on how the nation and nationhood is “imagined” by political elites. In this special issue the contributors provide an analysis which seeks to explore the process of nation-building in Central Asia by addressing the other side of the state-society relationship. The case studies in this collection examine the “grey zone” between “imagined” and “real” differences between state-led policies and discourses related to nationhood and identity and how they are received by different audiences at different levels (regional, national and international). The authors bring to the fore the contested nature of nation-building in Central Asia as well as focusing on new or less conventional analytical tools for the study of nation-building such as cinema, construction projects and elections. This article provides the introduction to the special issue and lays out the contribution the articles make to the existing literature on nation-building in Central Asia. It also sets out the rationale and aims of the collection.

scholarly journals Violence and Social Memory in Twentieth-Century Belfast: Stories of Buck Alec Robinson

2014 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 734-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean O'Connell
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Memory ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Made In

AbstractThis article explores the life and commemoration of Buck Alec Robinson. A feared loyalist killer in 1920s Belfast, in more recent times he has featured as a lion-keeping “character” on wall murals and in tourist guide books. Robinson is employed as a case study to investigate two separate but, in this case, interlinked historiographical debates. The first involves Norbert Elias's analysis of the decline of violence. The second relates to discussion of the analysis of social memory in working-class communities, with violence being placed therein. The article supports historical assessments suggesting that the “civilizing offensive” had an uneven impact. That point is usually made in the context of working-class men. This article extends it to political elites in Belfast and probes their flirtations with violent hard men. The case is made that it is a mistake to assume the “civilizing” dynamic is to be understood as a teleological or top-down process.

scholarly journals Intra-Camp Coalitions in Direct Democracy: Evidence from Referendums on Asylum

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-305
Author(s):  
Laurent Bernhard
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Ballot Measures ◽  
Binary Format ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

This article seeks to advance the underdeveloped literature on coalitions in direct democracy by considering intra-camp coalitions (ICC) at the level of political elites. The binary format of ballot measures leads to the formation of two opposing camps (i.e., supporters and opponents). However, political actors who belong to a given camp are not obliged to work with each other in the course of direct-democratic campaigns. I argue that the formation of ICC is ideologically driven, as political actors may be inclined to more closely cooperate with those actors who share their beliefs. Therefore, I expect that the actors of a given camp will create ideologically more homogeneous coalitions. The empirical analysis focuses on the salient issue of asylum by examining the cooperative ties between political organizations that participated in two Swiss referendum campaigns. Drawing on the CONCOR algorithm, I identify the actor compositions of the four camps in question. I show that the organizations that form the two main ICC on either side significantly differ from each other in terms of their positioning on the left-right scale. Hence, actors who campaign on the same side tend to separate into coalitions that are ideologically more homogeneous.

scholarly journals Una democracia nada perfecta: continuidades en la financiación de los partidos españoles desde la transición política a nuestros días

2018 ◽  
pp. 685
Author(s):  
Manuel Maroto Calatayud
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
History Of ◽  
Party Funding

Resumen: En este artículo vamos a realizar un pequeño recorrido por la financiación ilegal de partidos políticos en España desde la transición política. Aunque nos vamos a centrar en la primera de ellas, se trata en realidad de dos historias, entremezcladas: la primera es la de la “financiación” de los partidos españoles desde la democracia, lo que sus prácticas y dinámicas financieras cuentan acerca de estas formaciones y, en general, acerca del sistema español de partidos. La segunda, la historia de lo “ilegal” en materia de financiación de partidos: cómo las élites políticas han reaccionado a los escándalos, y dónde han ido poniendo la línea divisoria entre lo legítimo y lo ilegítimo. Ambas retratan una democracia nada perfecta: una que, de hecho, a menudo aparenta no tener aspiraciones de perfeccionarse, sino más bien de perseverar en una cultura organizativa y partidista con fuertes anclajes en las deficiencias del sistema de partidos surgido de la transición política.Palabras clave: Financiación ilegal de partidos políticos, corrupción, transición política, cultura política, modelos de partido, democracia interna.Abstract: This paper analyzes the practices of illegal funding of political parties in Spain since the transition to democracy. It involves two different interrelated narrations: the first one has to do with the “funding” of Spanish parties, with how their financial practices and dynamics tells us about some particularities of these political organizations and the Spanish party system. The second narration addresses the history of what is “illegal” regarding political party funding: how political elites have reacted to scandals, and how the line separating legitimate and illegitimate funding practices has evolved. Both approaches describe a far from perfect party democracy: one that, in fact, often seems not to aspire to improvement, but rather to perseverate in organizational party cultures that are strongly rooted in the deficiencies of the party system emerged from the Spanish political transition to democracy.Keywords: Illegal funding of political parties, corruption, Spanish political transition, political culture, political party models, internal democracy.

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