scholarly journals POLITIK DAKWAH DAN DAKWAH POLITIK DI ERA REFORMASI INDONESIA

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Andi Rosa
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Communication Line ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Research Activity ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Integrative Social

<p class="IIABSBARU">This research activity parse dzikir majelis Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) "Nurussalam" which has a strategic role in the democratic era. His status as a society organizations (NGOs) are positioned optimally by interest groups, political organizations and even into the container. By analyzing the dataobtained through interviews and documentation, the results of this study indicate that this council makes verses of the Qur’an that deals with the concept of al-‘<em>ummah</em>, <em>al-ukhuwwah al-islamiyya</em>, and <em>al-ta'āwun</em> as a cornerstone in interpreting para­graph integrative social which is then used as a propaganda entity. Proselytizing as mass communication, political communication line with more likely to use communication as a way to mobilize the masses massif. Even activities have been able to carry out the functions of political propaganda as part of the interest-group system.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Penelitian ini berusaha untuk mengurai kegiatan Majelis Dzikir Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) “Nurussalam” yang memiliki peran strategis di era reformasi. Statusnya sebagai organisasi masyarakat (Ormas) diposisikan secara maksimal oleh kelompok kepentingan, bahkan menjadi wadah lembaga politik. Dengan mengganalisis data yang diperoleh melalui wawancara dan dokumentasi, hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa majelis ini menjadikan ayat al-Qur’an yang berkaitan dengan konsep <em>al-‘ummah, al-ukhuwwah al-islāmiyyah, </em>dan<em> al-ta’āwun</em> sebagai landasan dalam menafsirkan ayat sosial integratif yang kemudian dijadikan sebagai sebuah entitas dakwah. Dakwah sebagai komunikasi massa, sejalan dengan komunikasi politik yang lebih cenderung memanfaatkan komunikasi sebagai cara massif untuk menggalang massa. Bahkan kegiatannya telah mampu melaksanakan fungsi politik dakwah sebagai bagian dari sistem <em>interest-group</em>.

Propaganda

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Beard
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Distorted Communication ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Over Time

Propaganda is the term for a variety of communication phenomena developed in the 20th century. As such, its meaning has changed over time from a largely neutral description of public relations and political communication towards an account of systematically distorted communication. The earliest major American proponent of the term, Edward Bernays (1891–1995), claimed that the ‘conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society’ (Bernays, 1928: 1). Bernays believed that ‘propaganda’, for him, a political variation on public relations work, was a tool used by political organizations and eventually businesses to organize and manipulate the desires, actions and will of the masses.

Protest from the Top Down

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mason W. Moseley
Keyword(s):  
Standard Form ◽  
State Theory ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
National Surveys ◽  
Political Voice ◽  
The Masses

This chapter tests another observable implication of the protest state theory; namely that where protest has normalized as an everyday form of political voice, political elites actively mobilize demonstrators in pursuit of their goals. In other words, rather than serving only as a spontaneous political expression of the masses, protest is often orchestrated and managed by formal political organizations. I first investigate how linkages to political organizations fuel contentious behavior in protest states like Argentina and Bolivia, but are more strongly associated with conventional participation in strongly institutionalized contexts like Chile and Uruguay. Then, utilizing a unique battery of questions from the AmericasBarometer national surveys of Argentina and Bolivia, I also test the hypothesis that clientelism can motivate protest participation in a context where protest has normalized as a standard form of political voice.

scholarly journals DYNAMICS OF MEDIA AND SOCIETY INTERACTION IN COMMUNICATIVE SPACE

2013 ◽  
pp. 234-240
Author(s):  
D. I. Chistyakov
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Structural Integrity ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Communication Model ◽  
Media Impact ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Late Modern

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the social issues caused by mass-media impact on individuals and society. The author bases on reflection of sociological theories and discourses of late modern and postmodern and thus shows the transformation of media and their audience on the society’s way to the postmodernity. Postmodern media are viewed as a specific social institution of postmodernity; the author also emphasizes the basic peculiarities of its institutionalization. Structural integrity between mass-media and society is ensured through mass communication in its one-sided direction of the only communicator to the masses, often turning into an influence on recipients. The article stems from the premise that a modernday person is included in qualitatively and quantitavely other communications than in a preceding era of late modernity. Mass-media’s influence on society is thus specific. Messages, images, symbols, signs created by media not only form our perspective, but also serve as keys to the perception of reality. A subject today is involved in endless interconnected streams of information, hence a subject doesn’t consume information in discreet blocks anymore. Rather, we can imagine a subject standing knee-deep in a vast stream grabbing whatever he or she may find interesting. Under the certain conditions the very reality is being substituted by the virtual reality. The author shows and analyses the communication model of the basic information producers and recipients.

Chinese Art of the Cultural Revolution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
William H. Ma
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Chinese Art ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Cultural Sites ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Visual Materials ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

The art of the Cultural Revolution in China, created during the ten-year period from 1967 to 1977, includes a large variety of visual materials in different media. Generally characterized by unambiguous and heroic images that appealed to the masses, these artworks became powerful tools of political propaganda. Most scholars attribute the beginning of the Cultural Revolution to the 1965 play HaiRui Dismissed from Office. Written by Wu Han, a local Communist official, the play was a thinly veiled critique of Mao Zedong. Though semi-retired in the early 1960s, Mao was determined to hold on to power by launching a new revolution to reawaken young Chinese people and root out the counterrevolutionary and anti-proletarian elements in society. Under Mao’s directive, people, places, and things representing the Four Olds (Old Customs, Old Culture, Old Habits, and Old Ideas) were targeted and violently attacked by young people wearing red armbands and carrying the Little Red Book, a collection of quotes by Mao. Party officials, teachers, professors, authors, and artists had their homes raided and were publically dragged out by the Red Guards for public humiliation. In addition, historical and cultural sites were desecrated and vandalized. While the real violence only lasted the first few years, it set the tone of militarism and revolutionary fervor for the next decade, which permeated through all the arts.

Political communication Modi style: A case study of the demonetization campaign on Twitter

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Usha M. Rodrigues ◽  
Michael Niemann
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
News Media ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Direct Communication ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Government Websites

Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) is one of the world's most followed political leaders on Twitter. During the 2014 and 2019 election campaigns, he and his party used various social media networking and the Internet services to engage with young, educated, middle-class voters in India. Since his first sweeping win in the 2014 elections, Modi's political communication strategy has been to neglect the mainstream news media, and instead use social media and government websites to keep followers informed of his day-to-day engagements and government policies. This strategy of direct communication was followed even during a critical policy change, when in a politically risky move half-way through his five-year prime ministership, Modi's government scrapped more than 85 per cent of Indian currency notes in November 2016. He continued to largely shun the mainstream media and use his social media accounts and public rallies to communicate with the nation. As a case study of this direct communication strategy, this article presents the results of a study of Modi's Twitter articulations during the three months following the demonetization announcement. We use mediatization of politics discourse to consider the implications of this shift from mass communication via the mainstream news media, to the Indian prime minister's reliance on direct communication on social media platforms.

Mediapolicy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Рашид Мухаев ◽  
Rashid Muhaev
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Academic Discipline ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Policy ◽  
Policy Space ◽  
Municipal Administration ◽  
Information And Communication

If you want to find out how the mechanisms and technologies of political domination in modern information societies have changed, then read the first Russian textbook on the new academic discipline “Media Policy”. The textbook examines the main interpretations of the information and communication policy space, its subjects, structure and information management technologies, identifies effective channels of information influence on the political behavior of a person, groups and communities, reveals the mechanism of symbolic dominance in the structure of modern politics, identifies its elements, technologies and communication strategies. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of various means and channels of mass communication, used for positioning and promoting ideas, discourses and political images, as well as constructing messages through various media. The textbook is addressed to bachelors and masters studying in the specialties “Advertising and Public Relations”, “Political Science”, “State and Municipal Administration”, as well as to theoreticians, practitioners, and experts working in the field of political communication.

scholarly journals MODAL KANDIDAT GUS IPUL DALAM PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR JAWA TIMUR 2018

REPRESENTAMEN ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beta Puspitaning Ayodya
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Defensive Strategy ◽  
Mass Organization ◽  
The Masses

Simultaneous elections will be held in Indonesia in 2018, one of which is theGovernor Election (Pilgub) of East Java to replace Pak Karwo and Gus Ipul. Candidateswho will compete in this East Java Pilgub are Gus Ipul (as incumbent), and Khofifah(formerly a social minister). Both candidates are both from the largest mass organization inEast Java, namely Nahdltul Ulama (NU). In relation to this background, the author wouldlike to examine about how Gus Ipul's political capital and strategy of communication in EastJava Pilgub 2018. This study uses case study because want to answer about how (how) in theformulation of research. By using different political communication strategies, of course theresults achieved by both candidates will be different. Gus Ipul used a defensive strategy tomaintain his position as an incumbent. By using his capital-capital (economic, social,cultural and symbolic) conversion, Gus Ipul seeks to mobilize the masses, most of whom areNU citizens. Conversion of existing capital into a political capital, allowing Gus Ipul toachieve victory in this 2018 East Java Pilgub.Keywords: capital, political strategy

scholarly journals Gaya Komunikasi Politik Twitter Partai Gerindra

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-113
Author(s):  
Ayu Nenden Assyfa Putri
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Information Diffusion ◽  
Diffusion Theory ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Communication Style ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Great Opportunity ◽  
Twitter Account ◽  
Twitter Users

Social media, especially Twitter, as one of the most widely used platforms on the internet, is now being used by political organizations to convey their political communication messages. This study uses a descriptive qualitative method by analyzing the communication style conveyed by the Gerindra party Twitter account to its followers. In looking for references, researchers use a systematic review method wherein the authors must describe the search to be used, determine where and when they should search, and what terms they should use. The results of this study indicate that the style of political communication conveyed by the Gerindra Twitter account has the aim of being accepted by Twitter users, whose users are young people. Unlike the political communication messages conveyed during the 2014 & 2019 elections, the Gerindra Twitter account conveys its political communication style in a relaxed and informative way. The relevance of the information diffusion theory in this study is when the Gerindra party takes advantage of the great opportunity of Twitter as a social media to communicate its political campaigns so that new voters can accept it in the future.

History of Alternative Communication in Chile: Phases and Endeavors

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Sáez ◽  
Jorge Iturriaga
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Alternative Communication ◽  
Vast Number ◽  
Class Culture ◽  
General Terms ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The 19Th Century

With the surge of social struggles tied to the implementation of capitalist modernization at the end of the 19th century, diverse forms of technology-based mass communication in Chile arose to represent the emergence of social sectors that didn’t participate in the dominant culture and sought to disseminate an alternative. Working-class and feminist newspapers, neighborhood theaters, and Cordel literature broke away from the traditional elitist and pedagogical nature that had defined the media until that time. Since then, with cycles that have ebbed and flowed, numerous communicative experiences were related to mass culture in controversial ways: they opposed it, converged with it, et cetera. Even though it is possible to trace the continuity between the cases described, this continuity is not clear upon first glance, due to its underground and nascent character. In general terms, these experiences were not established as an autonomous space for technical or aesthetic experiments; when there was a strategy, it tended to be political in nature, whereas communicative material remained conditional. Finally, the study of these cases implies a paradox: the 20th century began with a vast number of alternative communication projects that became institutionalized over the years, but they re-emerged more autonomously during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship and the era that followed. This process of institutionalization alludes to an inversely proportional relationship between the process of incorporating the masses into positions of power (in the period between 1925 and 1973) and the development of alternative communication: these experiences are plentiful in the less institutionalized contexts of the enlightened working-class culture (that is, preceding the founding of the Communist Party in 1922 and after the anti-working-class culture that has accompanied the neoliberalism imposed since the dictatorship).

Not by the Sword Alone: Soft Power, Mass Media, and the Production of State Sovereignty

2014 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Camber Warren
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Economies Of Scale ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Armed Conflicts

AbstractScholars of civil conflict have long recognized the importance of state strength in the suppression of nascent insurgencies. However, previous empirical investigations have generally focused on the material and coercive dimensions of state power, obscuring the critical role played by the generation of widespread voluntary compliance through processes of political communication, that is, the production of “soft power.” In contrast, in this article I focus on a factor—mass communication technology—that can enhance state capacity only by strengthening the state's ability to broadly and publicly disseminate political messages. I argue that the enhanced capacities for large-scale normative influence generated by mass communication technologies can be expected to produce substantial barriers to the mobilization of militarized challenges to state rule, by strengtheningeconomies of scale in the marketplace of ideas. Utilizing newly compiled cross-national data on mass media accessibility in the post–World War II period, I show that densely constituted mass media systems dramatically reduce the probability of large-scale civil violence, thereby providing new evidence for the fundamental importance of nonmaterial state capacities in the suppression of internal armed conflicts.

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