Ethnolinguistic Cleavages and Interstate River Disputes in the Union of India

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott M. Moore
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
State Level ◽  
Interstate Conflict ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Major River ◽  
Near Term ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Large Dam

India is one of the world’s most centralized federal systems, and its Constitution grants the federal government unusually broad powers to control the actions of state-level political leaders. At the same time, however, India’s state- level politics are highly acrimonious, particularly after the emergence of state- based ethnic political parties since the 1960s (Diksit 1975). These fractious subnational politics are mirrored in numerous interstate river disputes which the center has, despite its considerable constitutional and political powers, proven unable to resolve. As John Wood remarks, “One would think that these powers would be adequate to enable the central government to play an active mediating role in an interstate river water disputes. . . . But the central government’s maneuverability is often no greater than that of the states” (Wood 2007, 40). Indeed, the country’s interstate disputes are so acute that the former head of India’s water resource engineering agency, the Central Water Commission, warned in an opinion-editorial that “hydro-politics is threatening the very fabric of federalism” (Menon 2003). Virtually all of India’s major river basins play host to long-running interstate water disputes, primarily related to water quantity allocation. Notable disputes include most of the principal peninsular rivers, including the Mhadei, the Kaveri (Cauvery), and the Krishna basins, which predate independence. Other sites of interstate conflict include the Narmada, racked by construction of a large dam; the relatively water-rich Mahanadi; and the Sutlej–amuna Link Canal, which supplies much of New Delhi’s drinking water. Unfortunately, few of these disputes show signs of resolution in the near term. Yet as India’s economy has grown and the demands on its major rivers have multiplied, these disputes increasingly constrain the development of large sections of the country. The central puzzle of the Indian case is why interstate river disputes are both so numerous and so persistent, especially given the central government’s constitutional authority to resolve them.

scholarly journals Measuring Bias against Female Political Leadership

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Setzler
Keyword(s):  
Women Leaders ◽  
Gender Bias ◽  
State Level ◽  
Alternative Measure ◽  
Response Patterns ◽  
Female Leaders ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Multiple Strategies ◽  
Level I ◽  
Measuring Bias

AbstractMuch research examining gender bias in politics analyzes responses to explicit survey questions asking individuals whether they prefer male over female leaders or agree that male political leaders are superior. Drawing insights from the measurement of other types of prejudice, this article explores the methodological shortcomings of a widely used question of this type. Analyzing the results of two surveys—one national and one state-level—I compare response patterns to a standard, highly explicit question that is frequently administered by the Pew Research Center with those for a modestly altered item that employs multiple strategies to reduce social desirability bias. Compared with the alternative measure, the conventional item seriously underreports prejudice against women leaders. Moreover, the underreporting of bias is especially prevalent among individuals belonging to groups that are strong advocates of gender equality.

scholarly journals The Matter of Quebec Movement: A Review on Canadian Domestic Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-168
Author(s):  
FIkry Muhammad Reza Al-hasin ◽  
Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Canadian Culture

The Canadian government has succeeded to maintain its political stability by implementing middle-ways approach to face the separatism movement. Parti Quebecois has been the biggest promoter of Quebec sovereign movement. This political party has held referendums to be independent from the central government and managed to gain public attention. This paper aimed to figure out how the series of Quebec sovereign movements affected Canadian domestic politics. It used constructivist approach to explain why the Quebec struggle for independent and how its strategies influence the Canadian domestic structure. The data obtained from library research. This paper examines the effort of Quebec movement consist of  (1) creating a political discourse of “self-determinantion”. The social movement transforms into Québécois political party and it visioned to gain territory of the province since the decade of the 1960s; (2) social construction dealing with the issue of French identity as non-Canadian culture. The supports of the idea embedded in the several forms of regulations and propaganda in the public sphere.

The Economic Roots of External Efficacy: Assessing the Relationship between External Political Efficacy and Income Inequality

2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikel Norris
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Multilevel Regression ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractExternal political efficacy, the belief that government is responsive to the demands of its citizens, has been declining in the United States since the 1960s. However, scholars do not yet fully understand the reasons for its decline. Nor have they found suitable explanations for why it fluctuates within the electorate. Drawing on the growing literature on the effects of income inequality on public policy, I posit that increasing income inequality factors into the decline of external political efficacy. Using multilevel regression models accounting for individual and contextual factors, I find increasing state-level income inequality has a substantial negative effect on external political efficacy. It is greater than most state and national-level economic measures or individual-level variables on external political efficacy. These results have important implications both for research on income inequality and political participation and also for research on income inequality and distributional public policy.

Why Does it Feel Authentic to be and act Extraverted? Exploring the Mediating Role of Positive Affect

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Adam Wilt ◽  
Jessie Sun ◽  
Rowan Jacques-Hamilton ◽  
Luke D. Smillie
Keyword(s):  
Positive Affect ◽  
Life Experience ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Experience Sampling ◽  
State Level ◽  
Mediation Model ◽  
Sampling Protocol ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Trait Level

Extraverts report higher levels of authenticity and extraverted behavior predicts increased feelings of authenticity. Why? Across three studies, we examined positive affect as a mediator of the associations between extraversion and authenticity. In Study 1 (N = 205), we tested our mediation model at the trait level. Study 2 (N = 97) involved a ten-week lab-based experience sampling protocol, whereas Study 3 (N = 147) involved a preregistered week-long daily-life experience sampling protocol. These studies allowed us to test our mediation model at the state level. Positive affect explained moderate to very high proportions of the effects of extraversion on authenticity (Study 1 = 29%, Study 2 = 38%, Study 3 = 87%). We interpret these findings through the lens of cybernetic self-regulation, feelings-as-information, positive psychology, and humanistic perspectives, and propose that increased PA could also explain why extraversion is connected with other eudaimonic components of wellbeing.

Iraq and the Kurds: How the 1960s-1990s Portrayed the Future of the Kurds

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64
Author(s):  
Giulia Valeria Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Building Process ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Short And Long Term ◽  
The 1960S

Kurdish ambitions and demands relative to the Iraqi central government have always impacted the equilibrium of the country. Kurdish requests shifted from demanding autonomy to insisting on recognition, causing the various Iraqi administrations to change their policies towards the Kurds many times. These changes in Iraq’s policies often caused violent repercussions among the Kurds, which sometimes escalated into armed conflicts. This paper aims to analyze the events that occurred between the Kurds and the Iraqi government from the 1960s to the end of the 1980s, specifically: the 1st and 2nd Iraqi-Kurdish War, how foreign countries were involved in these conflicts, and what were the short- and long-term consequences of the wars on the Kurdish population that paved the way to the al-Anfal Campaigns. A more in-depth analysis will be done on the 2nd Iraqi-Kurdish War and on the eight al-Anfal Campaigns, as the consequences were devastating for the Kurdish population, and marked a turning point in Kurdish relations with foreign countries. The goal of this study is to add a new understanding on how Iraqi and Western foreign policies affected the Kurdish sense of identity and of the state-building process that led to what is known today as the Kurdistan Regional Government.

The Paradox of Reparations

2016 ◽  
pp. 159-188
Author(s):  
Greg Robinson
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Japanese Americans ◽  
Japanese American ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Early Stages ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Redress Movement

This chapter offers a more complex and multiracial view of history by revisiting the narrative of the Japanese American redress movement and discovers a paradox at its core: while the campaign by Japanese Americans for reparations for their wartime confinement started at the end of the 1960s as part of a wider antiracist coalition, and received key support in its early stages from African American political leaders, Japanese Americans increasingly distanced themselves from their black allies as the goal of redress grew nearer, even as African Americans became increasingly public in their opposition. The chapter also shows how the victory of the redress movement in 1988 offered a major precedent, and a model, for reparations efforts by blacks.

Tight or Loose Control

2020 ◽  
pp. 98-102
Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Command Economy ◽  
Free Markets ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Economic Sphere ◽  
Governance Strategies ◽  
The Right ◽  
Made In

This chapter examines the second dilemma in the design of governance strategies, which relates to strictness of control. Leaders must choose whether to monitor and regulate behavior loosely or intensively. This is certainly true with regard to control of the everyday conduct of citizens through surveillance and policing. A similar choice must be made in the economic sphere, between a command economy and free markets. And the dilemma arises again within the apparatus of the state itself. For example, central government must decide whether to exercise more or less supervision over lower levels of government. Moreover, within each level of government, political leaders must decide whether to give more or less autonomy to bureaucrats charged with implementing their policies. In all of these contexts, similar calculations about the right measure of control must be made.

Territorial Politics, Regionalism and England

2021 ◽  
pp. 241-272
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury
Keyword(s):  
Policy Process ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Entire Period ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Territorial Politics ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

This chapter addresses the reform of government in England over the entire period between 1997 and 2007. First, the chapter considers the nature of the territorial strain, problem and resources for change present in England. Second, the chapter considers peripheral elite leadership in England — whether through intermediate English elite or English regional elite leadership — and the codes, strategies and goals pursued. It explores further the thesis that movements for territorial change also in England adopted indirect instrumental cases for territorial reform rather than direct identity-based ones, emphasising functional arguments and the development of institutional mechanisms for gradual decentralisation, rather than major root and branch reform. Third, the chapter analyses the approach of UK central government, and in particular that of the British Labour leadership both in opposition before 1997 and in government afterwards. Here, we should note that Bulpitt suggested that the English governing code had tended to parallel the indirect local elite assimilation approach used territorially in the rest of the UK. Nevertheless, under modernisation projects since the 1960s, including those of the Thatcher–Major governments, the overall government strategy was a promotional one, often requiring direct central intervention in the short term to realise central governing projects. Finally, the chapter assesses the policy process by which English reform was developed, the extent to which it may be seen as effective and legitimate, and judged as successful or not in sustaining a new centre.

scholarly journals The State of Emergency in India: Böckenförde's Model in a Sub-National Context

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-218
Author(s):  
Shylashri Shankar
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Model Structure ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Administrative Organization ◽  
National Emergency

The Constitution of India envisages three types of emergencies: A national emergency; a state emergency (in the federal setup, regions are called states in India, and the central government has the power to impose an emergency if there is a breakdown of law and order in that state); and a financial emergency. The problem the State faces is how it can respond effectively to exceptional situations without casting its adherence to the rule of law into question.“ Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde offers a set of solutions within a model structure anchored in constitutional laws. The model structure, which applies at the federal level, advocates a separation between the authorizing agency—the political wing—and the implementation agency, as well as creating a distinction between a ”law“ and a ”measure,“ and between a most extreme and a merely difficult situation. By focusing on the actions of the higher judiciary in India, this Article tests whether the safeguards in Böckenförde's model structure function at the sub-national state level in a very different geography and context. The results highlight the concern that the dynamics of democracy and the reality of how political power is garnered in a federal Westminster style framework effectively stymie the procedural innovations introduced by Böckenförde's model by creating conditions, not for fair play, but for subverting the spirit of the law. Even the procedures outlined by Böckenförde—such as an emphasis on making the agent who holds the emergency powers a political, and not merely an administrative organization—accentuates, rather than mitigates, this problem.

Democratic peace: Does ethnic inclusiveness reduce interstate conflict?

2019 ◽  
pp. 019251211988473
Author(s):  
Seung-Whan Choi ◽  
Henry Noll
Keyword(s):  
Time Series ◽  
Time Series Data ◽  
Estimation Method ◽  
Interstate Conflict ◽  
Model Specification ◽  
Series Data ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Time Series Data Analysis ◽  
Cross National

In this study, we argue that ethnic inclusiveness is an important democratic norm that fosters interstate peace. When two states are socialized into the notion of ethnic tolerance, they acquire the ability to reach cooperative arrangements in time of crisis. Based on cross-national time-series data analysis covering the period 1950–2001, we illustrate how two states that are inclusive of their politically relevant ethnic groups are less likely to experience interstate disputes than states that remain exclusive. This finding was robust, regardless of sample size, intensity of the dispute, model specification, or estimation method. Therefore, we believe in the existence of ethnic peace: ethnic inclusiveness represents an unambiguous force for democratic peace.

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