Reform Efforts and Thoughts on the Electoral College

Author(s):  
Robert M. Alexander

This chapter evaluates how the Electoral College performs relative to norms associated with representation. While Electoral College practices have changed considerably, many arguments applied to the body rely on original expectations of the institution. This study reveals that the Electoral College performs poorly along many dimensions associated with norms of representation. Not surprisingly, many reforms have been proposed to the body. These include making electoral votes automatic, adopting some form of proportional representation to award electoral votes, and abolishing the Electoral College in favor of a national popular vote. These reforms are discussed and evaluated relative to the criteria associated with norms of representation. Although the institution often fails to perform in many of the ways its proponents suggest, it has been resistant to change. Absent pressure from large numbers of citizens from across the political spectrum, wholesale change to the institution is unlikely to occur in the near future.

Author(s):  
Claire Warden

The early years of the twentieth century saw a proliferation of mass spectacles and events on a grand scale with thousands of participants, which frequently included non-professional performers. These spectacles often re-enacted historical events (Paterson Strike Pageant, The Storming of the Winter Palace) or celebrated technological innovations or national achievements (18BL, Olympic Youth). Performances crossed both geographical and political borders, were encouraged by parties from across the political spectrum, and took place in a range of countries including Germany, Italy, Russia and the US. The aim of these mass spectacles was to unite a crowd, which could number in the thousands, behind a particular historical, political or social position or idea. By attempting to unite a majority, these performances often ignored, isolated or marginalized others. Dance and movement techniques were at the very forefront of this genre of performance. The body became a central motif, functioning as an emblem of political emancipation, ethnic superiority, nostalgic tradition and/or a mechanized symbol of modernity.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-433
Author(s):  
Luminita Gatejel ◽  
Adrian Grama

Abstract Between January and June 2019 Romania managed the rotating presidency of the European Union, the first of a trio to be followed by Finland and Croatia. This commentary takes stock of Romania’s trajectory over the last few years and offers a broad overview of the country’s economy and politics. Where does Romania stand today, more than a decade since it joined the European Union? In the first part, the authors sketch the recent evolution of Romania’s economy which has been marked by high growth but overall modest increases in wages, and tight labour markets. In the second part they turn to politics, in particular to the realignment of the political spectrum following the European elections of May 2019. They conclude by pointing out some of the problems that are likely to confront both Bucharest and Brussels in the near future.


2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-41
Author(s):  
Lisa Fetheringill Zwicker

The pistol remains the weapon of cripples, the senile, and those infected with a communicable disease. The murder instrument of the highwayman, the dastardly, insidious pistol, is the preferred weapon of the officer.—Hugo Böttger, Editor of theBurschenschaftliche BlätterEven though fraternity men glorified their duels with swords, a series of frivolous pistol duels with deadly ends led students to organize a movement against pistol duels that swept German universities in 1902 and 1903. Students argued that pistol duels violated the rules of reason, morality, and religion—and were thus also purportedly un-German. Male students organized assemblies, made passionate speeches, and passed resolutions in opposition to the pistol duel. They then sent these resolutions to the War Ministers in Prussia, Bavaria, and Saxony. Burschenschaft fraternity men built on their long tradition of liberal political activism and convened assemblies in Berlin, Bonn, Breslau, Freiburg, Giessen, Greifswald, Halle, Kiel, Königsberg, Leipzig, Marburg, Munich, Rostock, and Tübingen and passed resolutions inspired by the movement. Some of these assemblies drew large numbers of students, for example, 600 students in attendance in Leipzig, 1,500 in Munich, and 1,500 in Freiburg. In Berlin, leaders of 67 organizations representing 2,400 members signed petitions against the pistol duel. Other universities not included were majority Catholic institutions, such as Münster or Würzburg, where the opposition to all forms of the duel was even stronger as a result of the Catholic Church's prohibition against dueling. Reaching universities throughout Germany, this movement united students from across the political spectrum.


Author(s):  
Robert M. Alexander

This chapter examines common arguments surrounding the Electoral College. Many of these arguments were present with the 2016 presidential election. The election marked the sixth time the popular vote winner did not win the Electoral College vote. It also witnessed the largest number of faithless votes for president in history. Lastly, it marked the second time in the last three elections that a state split its electoral vote total. Each represents a common criticism of the institution. Proponents of the body suggested the institution worked as it should—especially in regard to protecting the interests of less populated states and supporting the two-party system. All arguments over the Electoral College ultimately relate to issues over representation. The chapter concludes by examining historical controversies relating to the Electoral College and several reform efforts aimed at the body.


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna von der Goltz ◽  
Robert Gildea

Although Hindenburg and Pétain emerged from very different historical traditions, one monarchical and authoritarian, the other democratic and republican, their trajectories and cults in the twentieth century in fact had much in common. Both emerged as military heroes, saving the fatherland in 1914 in iconic victories, and both were subsequently called back as political saviours as the Weimar and Third Republics ran into difficulties and collapsed. The status and reputation of each was enhanced by a cult that was both manufactured and spontaneous, ranging widely across the political spectrum and reaching deep into the body politic. The cults drew on powerful images of solidity and ancient heroes. Both leaders were, however, flawed, compromising with Nazi power, and they were buried far from the sites of their victories. In spite of these flaws, however, the cults of Hindenburg and Pétain have been remarkably adaptable and enduring.


Author(s):  
Garance Genicot ◽  
Laurent Bouton ◽  
Micael Castanheira

Abstract This paper studies the political determinants of inequalities in government interventions under majoritarian (MAJ) and proportional representation (PR) systems. We propose a probabilistic voting model of electoral competition with highly targetable government interventions and heterogeneous localities. We uncover a novel relative electoral sensitivity effect that affects government interventions only under MAJ systems. This effect tends to reduce inequality in government interventions under MAJ systems when districts are composed of sufficiently homogeneous localities. This effect goes against the conventional wisdom that MAJ systems are necessarily more conducive to inequality than PR systems. We illustrate the empirical relevance of our results with numerical simulations on possible reforms of the U.S. Electoral College.


Sociologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-396
Author(s):  
Bojan Bilic

This paper employs the notion of abjection to explore how debates surrounding Ana Brnabic, the first openly lesbian prime minister in Serbia and Eastern Europe, stir affectively lined layers of prejudice across the political spectrum. Drawing upon a range of empirical sources, I argue that the actors engaging in debates about Brnabic?s both private and public life are entangled in a loop of abjection which, while comprising gender, sexuality, ?race?, and the body, reflects strong patriarchal undercurrents as structural features of Serbian politics.


Author(s):  
Roy Skidmore

The long-necked secretory cells in Onchidoris muricata are distributed in the anterior sole of the foot. These cells are interspersed among ciliated columnar and conical cells as well as short-necked secretory gland cells. The long-necked cells contribute a significant amount of mucoid materials to the slime on which the nudibranch travels. The body of these cells is found in the subepidermal tissues. A long process extends across the basal lamina and in between cells of the epidermis to the surface of the foot. The secretory granules travel along the process and their contents are expelled by exocytosis at the foot surface.The contents of the cell body include the nucleus, some endoplasmic reticulum, and an extensive Golgi body with large numbers of secretory vesicles (Fig. 1). The secretory vesicles are membrane bound and contain a fibrillar matrix. At high magnification the similarity of the contents in the Golgi saccules and the secretory vesicles becomes apparent (Fig. 2).


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 181-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pinar Yazgan ◽  
Deniz Eroglu Utku ◽  
Ibrahim Sirkeci

With the growing insurrections in Syria in 2011, an exodus in large numbers have emerged. The turmoil and violence have caused mass migration to destinations both within the region and beyond. The current "refugee crisis" has escalated sharply and its impact is widening from neighbouring countries toward Europe. Today, the Syrian crisis is the major cause for an increase in displacement and the resultant dire humanitarian situation in the region. Since the conflict shows no signs of abating in the near future, there is a constant increase in the number of Syrians fleeing their homes. However, questions on the future impact of the Syrian crisis on the scope and scale of this human mobility are still to be answered. As the impact of the Syrian crisis on host countries increases, so does the demand for the analyses of the needs for development and protection in these countries. In this special issue, we aim to bring together a number of studies examining and discussing human mobility in relation to the Syrian crisis.


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