No representation without taxation

2021 ◽  
pp. 176-196
Author(s):  
Frédéric Mérand

In addition to economic and financial affairs, Moscovici was in charge of taxation and customs union. In recent years, there have been growing calls for and initiatives to harmonize tax rules at the global level. Now, the day Juncker and Moscovici came to office, the EU was marred by tax scandals, notably in Juncker’s home country, Luxembourg. This chapter describes how the commissioner and his staff, alongside Competition commissioner Margarethe Vestager, forged an alliance with civil society groups and members of the European Parliament to adopt a series of new legislation against tax evasion, including a list of tax havens. They did so despite the need for unanimity in the Council and against the will of several member states such as the Netherlands. The chapter also recounts the Moscovici cabinet’s political role on two seemingly technical issues: the reform of the Value Added Tax code and the impact of Brexit on the customs union.

Author(s):  
Lukas Hakelberg

This chapter shows that the Clinton administration promoted an international campaign against underregulated financial centers. It did so because it was concerned about the impact of tax havens on the perceived fairness of the US tax system, international financial stability, and the US sanctions regime. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), however, made the strategic mistake to tackle tax evasion by individuals and tax avoidance by multinationals in a single project, creating opposition from business associations in the United States and elsewhere. Instead of credibly linking noncompliance with OECD recommendations to economic sanctions, the Clinton administration thus accepted the severe dilution of the harmful tax competition initiative's anti-avoidance elements even before the Bush administration took office in 2001. A nested comparison of two unilateral tax initiatives moreover reveals that the Clinton administration generally failed to pass regulations curbing tax avoidance but succeeded in passing regulations against tax evasion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaos Tzifakis ◽  
Asteris Huliaras

The impact of Non-Governmental Organizations’ reconstruction activities in Bosnia and Kosovo was largely determined by the nature and content of two dominant relationships. The first is the donor countries-International NGO (INGO) relationship. To grasp the importance of this relationship, it suffices to mention that, at the global level, donors give around five times more funds to INGOs (and more precisely to their own national NGOs) than to Local NGOs (LNGOs). The second is the International NGO-LNGO relationship. With respect to the first relationship, donor countries had a clear hegemonic position vis-à-vis INGOs. In turn, INGOs developed a hegemonic position towards LNGOs. These hegemonic relationships undermined the quality and effectiveness of aid disbursed and failed to promote the development of an open and democratic civil society. More interestingly, although most donors and INGOs got involved in the post-conflict reconstruction of both countries, very weak learning processes seem to have operated in the region. A comparative examination of the two reconstruction efforts reveals that the manifestation of many inefficiencies and failures was indeed even more acute in Kosovo than in Bosnia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-66
Author(s):  
D. I. Ushkalova

The subject of our research was the analysis of changes in the specialisation of Russia in mutual trade with the countries of the Customs Union — the Common Economic Space — the Eurasian Economic Union since the beginning of the functioning of the single customs territory. The work aims to characterise the impact of the integration process within the CU-SES-EAEU on the commodity structure of Russian exports to the grouping countries and the possibilities for realising Russia’s export potential in the markets of the partner countries. The author examines the most important trends and factors in the evolution of the commodity structure of mutual trade within the EAEU and Russia’s exports to these countries, assesses the importance of the EAEU countries for the realisation of the export potential of Russia. The study concluded that the integration process had a positive effect on the commodity structure of Russia’s exports to the EAEU countries: during the unification, the share of mineral products in total exports decreased by one third, while the share of machinery and chemical products, food products and agricultural raw materials rose. The author substantiated that the EAEU states are the most important market for Russian goods with a high share of value added and their importance is increasing. Nevertheless, the prospect for further realisation of the export potential of Russia in the markets of the EAEU countries is very ambiguous and will be determined by two factors: the growth rate of the Russian economy and the real achievements in the field of shaping long-term integration effects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-250
Author(s):  
Harini Weerasekera

The study empirically examines the relationship between tax rates and tax evasion for Sri Lanka. This is examined in the context of border tax evasion, where I test for the presence of evasion via the ‘evasion gap’: the discrepancy between exports to Sri Lanka (as reported by Sri Lanka’s trade partners) and imports by Sri Lanka (as reported by Sri Lanka) for products imported by Sri Lanka from its top seven import partners in 2014. The study focuses on two forms of border tax evasion: underreporting and mislabelling. In addition, the study estimates the effect of a policy to bring selected value-added tax (VAT)-exempt products into the VAT net, on the evasion gap. Results from OLS estimation suggest that both forms of evasion are present. The difference-in-difference results of the impact of the policy change on the evasion gap are insignificant, but require post-treatment data to arrive at a more concrete conclusion. JEL: H200, H260


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-495
Author(s):  
Cheol-Won Yang ◽  
Hong-Jong Cho

The Foreign Financial Accounts Reporting was introduced for the purpose of preventing tax evasion and illegal acts through foreign financial accounts of Koreans. On December 27, 2010, it was newly established in “The Law for the Coordination of International Tax Affairs” and received its first report in June 2011, the following year. The system was further strengthened after three revisions. The first amendment was enforced from January 2012 after it took place on December 31, 2011. Thereafter, revisions and enforcement proceeded simultaneously in January 2013 and January 2014. This paper evaluates the performance of the system for four years from 2011 to 2014. In addition, we examined the effect of institutional implementation and changes on tax haven investors through empirical analysis using Korean stock market data. Assuming that Koreans disguised as foreigners participate in Korean stock trading through an anonymity of tax haven, this system will work to shrink the flow of capital from tax haven investors to other countries. Panel regression analysis using capital flows by country found that the transaction activity of tax havens decreased as compared to other countries after introducing and strengthening the acts.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1850128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert T. Kudrle

The OECD's Harmful Tax Competition of 1998 departed in both tone and substance from almost anything the organization had published before. The roots of the associated project lie mainly in EU concerns that certain forms of intra-union competition were eroding both the corporate and personal income tax bases of member states. But it appeared impossible to deal with those problems unless policies were also changed in the 40 or so jurisdictions know as “tax havens.” HTC threatened sanctions against the tax havens if they failed to collect and share information upon request about individuals and corporations attempting to evade or avoid income taxes. HTC also set criteria for the legitimacy of claims about corporate location. A firm could claim location in a tax haven only if it had “substantial” activity there. The report created a furor among the tax havens, which complained loudly that they were facing a new form of colonial control by being held accountable for standards they had no role in setting. Over the next several years the corporate element of the project disappeared, and the style of the OECD's approach shifted from confrontation to cooperation. HTC was strongly supported by the Clinton Administration, and summaries of the project's development often stress how much change came with the election of George W. Bush. A careful look at OECD reports, however, reveals that much of the shift in direction occurred before the outcome of the U.S. election in 2000 had been determined. The revised focus on bank secrecy did yield results. Virtually all of the tax havens had acceded to the revised OECD demands for transparency and information exchange by 2004. This article looks at the data on tax haven liabilities to gauge the impact of the project on tax evasion. It employs the ARIMA technique to investigate both tax haven activity as a whole and the particularly important case of the Cayman Islands. No significant impact can be found probably because investment in the havens remains very easy to disguise and very difficult to detect. This suggests that an effective attack on personal income evasion will require more than the OECD demanded. Automatic information-sharing on the ownership based on an internationally consistent set of identifying numbers over a range of financial instruments holds greater promise for a significant decline in the use of the havens for tax evasion.


Author(s):  
OBAYORI, Joseph Bidemi ◽  
OMEKWE, Sunday Omiekuma Paul

This paper empirically investigated the impact of value added tax (VAT) on economic growth in Nigeria from 1994–2018. This was done against the background that VAT as an indirect tax was introduced by the Federal Government of Nigeria in 1993 to replace sales tax with the sole aim of increasing the revenue base of government and make funds available for developmental purposes. The aim of the study is to examine the effect of value added tax on economic growth in Nigeria and determine the impact of other tax revenues particularly, custom and excise duties on economic growth in Nigeria. Thus, secondary data on GDP, VAT revenues, custom and excise duties were sourced from CBN statistical bulletin. Also, ARDL technique was used to analyze data. The variables were subjected to ADF unit root test prior the ARDL and found to be stationary. The ARDL co-integration test showed that there is a long run association amongst the variables. The ARDL short run result showed that the value of VAT has a positive relationship with economic growth in Nigeria. Also, custom and excise duties revenue positively impacted on economic growth in Nigeria. Hence, it was concluded that Value Added Tax (VAT) as an indirect tax system in Nigeria has direct relationship with economic growth in Nigeria since its inception in 1994. It has contributed to the total revenue of the nation as a result of reduction in tax evasion. Based on the findings, the paper recommended that government should put in place adequate measure to ensure that revenue generated from VAT is effectively utilized to develop and grow the economy in order to better the lives of the citizenry.


2022 ◽  
pp. 161-192
Author(s):  
Cristina Raluca Gh. Popescu ◽  
Jarmila Duháček Šebestová

The COVID-19 pandemic and COVID-19 crisis represent impressive motivating forces for advancement, change, evolution, and improvement at a global level. The study focuses on the OECD latest developments in international tax reform work on base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS) in the courageous attempt to promote novel global initiatives for responsible tax and to support ambitious global actions for responsible tax principles. The results show the need to establish fiscally responsible businesses as a result of COVID-19 pandemic shock, thus taking back control of countries' tax systems by putting an end to corporate tax evasion and tax havens. The findings address the importance of being in line with tax principles, encouraging responsible financial transactions and behaviors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Rajiv Chopra

This paper analyses the short term costs and medium term benefits of demonetization and its Impact on the growth of various sectors of an economy where significant cash transactions are involved. It is evident from observed data that the impact of demonetization on Gross Value Added growth was modest. Although the Gross Value Added contracted marginally, it is projected to be positive in coming years. In the beginning it negatively impacted the segments of manufacturing and service sector showing the downward movement in various markets such as automobiles, consumer, real estate etc. Later with the remonetization and lower lending rates the growth of an economy has been recovering fast through increase in private consumption, disposable income and affordable loan. With digitization economy is moving towards cashless society and will bring more transparency in the system reducing tax evasion thereby curbing the use of black money for illegal activities and terror funding.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Henry Jakubowicz

The rapid growth of race hate speech on the Internet seems to have overwhelmed the capacity of states, corporations or civil society to limit its spread and impact. Yet by understanding how the political economy of the Internet facilitates racism it is possible to chart strategies that might push back on its negative social effects. Only by involving the state, economy and civil society at both the global level, and locally, can such a process begin to develop an effective ‘civilising’ dynamic. However neo-liberalism and democratic license may find such an exercise ultimately overwhelmingly challenging, especially if the fundamental logical drivers that underpin the business model of the Internet cannot be transformed. This article charts the most recent rise and confusion of the Internet under the impact of the Alt-Right and other racist groups, focusing on an Australian example that demonstrates the way in which a group could manipulate the contradictions of the Internet with some success. Using an analytical model developed to understand the political economy and sociology of mass media power in the later stages of modernity, before the Internet, the author offers a series of proposals on how to address racism on the Internet.


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