The Global Adoption of PB

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-50
Author(s):  
Brian Wampler ◽  
Stephanie McNulty ◽  
Michael Touchton
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Community Mobilization ◽  
Social Accountability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Adoption Decision ◽  
The World ◽  
Global Patterns ◽  
National Governments

This chapter develops a framework to explain how and why governments adopt and adapt PB as it spreads around the world. The chapter identifies three waves of adoption: 1989 through the mid-1990s; mid-1990s through mid-2000s; and mid-2000s through 2020. Within each wave, the authors identify where PB is adopted and who is driving adoption. They identify and explain key transformations in the areas of scale/place of adoption, decision-making rules, and social justice considerations during each wave. This chapter also provides a typology to help categorize the global patterns of change that we see across the PB landscape. The chapter identifies six types of PB programs, including: Empowered Democracy and Redistribution; Deepening Democracy through Community Mobilization; Mandated by National Governments; Digital Participation; Social Accountability and Development; Efficient Governance. The typology links PB’s core principles and the political motivations of the main actors promoting adoption. The typology then also captures the differences across the cases and helps the reader better understand the diversity of PB programs and outcomes.

scholarly journals The crisis of modernity as the crisis of the political: Towards a critique of the reason of the ethos

2003 ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Simo Elakovic
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Crisis Of Modernity ◽  
Political Decision Making

The crisis of modernity as the crisis of the political is seen by the author primarily as a crisis of the "measure" of the criterion of political decision making and action. This crisis is understood in the first place as a crisis of self-awareness and practice of the ethos. Machiavelli was the first to attempt a solution to this problem by introducing the concept of virtus, which became the fundamental principle of modern political philosophy. However, many modern and contemporary interpreters of Machiavelli's thought often ignore the social and political context in which the political doctrine of the Florentine thinker arose. Namely, Machiavelli's effort to find an authentic form of the political act that would make possible a harmonization and stabilization of the dramatic political circumstances then prevailing in Italian cities required a reliable diagnosis and adequate means for a successful therapy of the sick organism of the community. The epochal novelty in Machiavelli's political theory was the shift from the ancient theorization of virtue to its modern operationalization. Nevertheless, this shift is often interpreted as a radical opposing of the Greek concept of arete to the Roman virtus, which is crudely and simplistically reduced to bravery and strength necessary for taking and keeping political power. Hegel in his political philosophy travels an important part of the road - unconsciously rather than consciously - along with Machiavelli and Shelling. This particularly holds for his understanding of the necessity of strength and bravery in the process of operationalizing the spirit of freedom in history through the mediation of "negation" as "the power of evil". The mediation of subjectivity and substantiality, according to Hegel, takes place in the state by the brutal bridling of the world spirit where not just individuals but whole peoples are sacrificed - toward freedom, i.e. its realization in the community of the ethos. The "trouble of the times" is a consequence of the separation between I and the world (Entzeiung) and stems from a reduced political reason which lacks the criterion of the ethical totality for political action and decision making. By the separation of the ethos this reason get routinized and political action is reduced to naked technique of winning and keeping political power. In the concluding segment of the paper the author points to some global consequences of the crisis of political decision making in the historical reality at the end of 20th century.

scholarly journals A DIVERSIDADE NAS POLÍTICAS EDUCACIONAIS NO BRASIL

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Paulo Gomes Lima
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Educational Policies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Exploratory Research ◽  
Social Diversity ◽  
Education Policies ◽  
Universal Education ◽  
The World ◽  
Diversity In Education

O conceito e significado de diversidade nas políticas educacionais no Brasil e no mundo não deve deixar de considerar o contexto no qual tal tema é problematizado. O objetivo desse artigo, por meio de uma pesquisa exploratória, orientada por revisão bibliográfica e documental é discutir, não apenas a dimensão do conceito sobre diversidade existente nas políticas educacionais no Brasil, mas a recorrência da ampliação e alcance do mesmo nalgumas estratégias voltadas à sua efetivação como direito e respeito às singularidades. Nesse sentido, organizamos o presente trabalho em três seções: a) Diversidade nas políticas educacionais: do conceito aos seus significados; b) Diversidade nas políticas educacionais: do alcançado aos seus limites e c) Diversidade nas políticas educacionais: algumas pontuações e recorrências. Concluímos que as políticas educacionais universalizantes e para a diversidade solicitam a formação política do homem, objeto que não pode e não deve ser reduzida ao ideário particularizado de justiça social.Palavras-chave: Diversidade. Políticas educacionais. Justiça social. DIVERSITY IN EDUCATIONAL POLICIES IN BRAZILAbstract: The concept and meaning of diversity in education policies in Brazil and in the world must not fail to consider the context in which such a theme is problematized. The objective of this article, through an exploratory research guided by a bibliographical and documentary review, is to discuss, not only the dimension of the concept of diversity in educational policies in Brazil, but also the recurrence of its extension and scope in some strategies aimed at its Effectiveness as a right and respect for singularities. In this sense, we organize the present work in three sections: a) Diversity in educational policies: from concept to its meanings; B) Diversity in educational policies: from reaching their limits and c) Diversity in educational policies: some scores and recurrences. We conclude that universal education policies and diversity demand the political formation of man, an object that cannot and should not be reduced to the particularized ideology of social justice.Keywords: Diversity. Educational policies. Social justice. DIVERSIDAD EN POLÍTICAS EDUCATIVAS EN BRASILResumen: El concepto y el significado de la diversidad en las políticas educativas en Brasil y en el mundo no puede dejar de considerar el contexto en el que se problematiza ese tema. El objetivo de este artículo, a través de una investigación exploratoria guiada por una revisión bibliográfica y documental, es discutir no sólo la dimensión del concepto de diversidad en las políticas educativas en Brasil, sino también la repetición de su extensión y alcance en algunas estrategias dirigidas En su Efectividad como derecho y respeto por las singularidades. En este sentido, organizamos el presente trabajo en tres secciones: a) Diversidad en las políticas educativas: del concepto a sus significados; B) Diversidad en las políticas educativas: de alcanzar sus límites yc) Diversidad en las políticas educativas: algunas puntuaciones y recurrencias. Concluimos que las políticas educativas universales y la diversidad exigen la formación política del hombre, un objeto que no puede ni debe reducirse a la ideología particularizada de la justicia social.Palabras-clave: Diversidad. Políticas educativas. Justicia social.

The Balance of Power in The World in March 1939

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Martin Wight
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
The World ◽  
Perceived Security ◽  
Triangular Relationship

This essay surveys the political fluidity and antagonism in the triangular relationship among the main power groupings in March 1939—the Soviet Union, the Axis Powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan), and the Western Powers (Britain and France above all). Rather than focusing on their military capabilities and combat options, the essay concentrates on the ideas expressed in each camp—in the Western Powers, interest in the rule of law and constitutionalism; in the Axis Powers, ambitions for territorial acquisitions and increased might; and in the Soviet Union, the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary vision. In conjunction with this three-cornered dialogue, the essay examines factors in addition to ideas that influenced decision-making, including greed, coercion, resentments, power pressures, national egoisms, dependence on allies, and perceived security imperatives. Three combinations were hypothetically possible: a Nazi–Soviet alliance, a Soviet–Western alliance, or a Nazi–Western alliance. In August 1939, Nazi Germany offered the Soviet Union a non-aggression pact that enabled Moscow to seize territories in Eastern Europe and to limit its immediate involvement in combat. Nazi Germany’s attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941 brought about a Soviet–Western alliance determined to defeat the Axis, despite the chasm between Soviet totalitarianism and Western democracy.

Conclusion: The Political Prosecutor Today and Tomorrow

2021 ◽  
pp. 193-206
Author(s):  
Christina L. Boyd ◽  
Michael J. Nelson ◽  
Ian Ostrander ◽  
Ethan D. Boldt
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Empirical Study ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Trump Administration

We conclude the book by summarizing our key analysis and findings and drawing general conclusions about the expansive role that politics plays in the administration of federal justice. In doing so, we reflect on the broad conclusions about how political factors affect federal prosecutorial staffing and decision-making. We examine continuity and change in these themes during the Trump Administration and speculate about these trends in the coming years. We also discuss opportunities for further research and potential reform, arguing that the empirical study of prosecution is a topic ripe for further inquiry by those interested in the law and politics of the U.S. federal government, the states, and legal systems around the world.

scholarly journals The Appellate Body of the Dispute Settlement Mechanism of the World Trade Organization

2017 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Tarek Yahiaoui ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dispute Settlement Mechanism ◽  
Special Group ◽  
Appellate Body ◽  
Special Groups ◽  
The World ◽  
Settlement Mechanism

The process of dispute settlement at WTO has been delegated to independent entities: private groups that consider cases as first instance structures, and the Appellate Body that hears appeals for special group summaries. For its part, the dispute settlement body (DSB), the political structure composed of all members of the Organization and its primary task is the general administration of the dispute settlement and decision-making system. The recommendations contained in the reports of the Special Groups and the Appellate Body are binding on the parties to the dispute only after the dispute settlement body has adopted them. However, this process of adoption is now almost automatic; in order not to adopt a resolution it is necessary for all members to agree unanimously, according to a technique known as the "reverse consensus" or "negative consensus", which we do not yet know a similar in the international law. The political control exercised by the dispute settlement body remains generally theoretical, because the reverse consensus technique imposed almost as a decision-making mechanism. As long as the complainant insists on his complaint, it is inconceivable that the parties to the dispute are not convinced of the outcome of the dispute and raise a consensus not to adopt a particular report. In fact, if members have not collectively endorsed the abstracts or solutions of special groups or the Appellate Body, they have not prevented the adoption of any report. The appeal procedure is without doubt the most prominent and authentic new addition to the Organization's dispute settlement mechanism established by the Marrakesh Accords. The parties to the dispute seen by the Special Group can only appeal to the Appellate Body within a specified period of the date of the distribution of its report to the members of the Organization. The designation given to this body raises the question: the appeal is aimed at amending or canceling a judgment of the first instance judge by second-tier judges and article 17 (13) of the memorandum of agreement goes in the same context, stating that: The Appellate Body may uphold, modify or reverse the legal findings and conclusions of the panel". Thus, the powers granted to the Appellate Body are not far from those granted to courts of appeal in national legal systems. However, this rapprochement is soon reaching its limit, because judicial practice in national systems gives the appellant the power to review first instance judgment in relation to facts and law. However, the situation is different at the level of the Organization. Article17 (6) defines the appeal “shall be limited to issues of law covered in the Panel report and legal interpretations developed by the Panel.” The Appellate Body, then, is a judge of law who considers violations of the rules of law by the Special Group. Its function is as close as possible to a court of appeal as is known in some national legal systems, such as the French system. We have the right to question the new system of the Appellate Body of the Dispute Settlement Mechanism of the World Trade Organization under the Marrakesh Accords, and the new features that distinguish it from the mechanisms of contemporary international justice, both procedural and functional.

Dichotomies of disaster management: a reflection on the politics of efficient decision making

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 670-676
Author(s):  
David Oliver Kasdan
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Disaster Management ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The World ◽  
Dichotomous Thinking ◽  
Reflective Essay ◽  
Political Realm ◽  
Practical Implications

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the variety of dichotomies related to disaster management with an objective to gain a better understanding of how and when dichotomous thinking can improve disaster management, especially in the discourse of disaster management politics. Design/methodology/approach This is a reflective essay that surveys dichotomies from multiple disciplines in respect to their potential contributions to disaster management. Findings Thinking about disaster management as a collection or series of dichotomies may help to better understand the sources, vulnerabilities, approaches, modes, methods and modes for related decision-making scenarios, particularly in the political realm. Research limitations/implications The world is not so simply divided at every turn and dichotomous thinking may harbor biases, mask ignorance and/or offend postmodern notions of alterity. Practical implications Portraying disaster management through dichotomies is an efficient way for experts to convey information and structure decisions for political agendas. Originality/value This study presents a unique perspective of disaster management and how it may shape the thinking and decision making of disaster management politics.

scholarly journals The Political Theory of Universal Basic Income

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 481-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliana Uhuru Bidadanure
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Economic Insecurity ◽  
Policy Proposal ◽  
The World ◽  
High Level ◽  
Cash Grant

Universal basic income (UBI) is a radical policy proposal of a monthly cash grant given to all members of a community without means test, regardless of personal desert, with no strings attached, and, under most proposals, at a sufficiently high level to enable a life free from economic insecurity. Once a utopian proposal, the policy is now widely discussed and piloted throughout the world. Among the various objections to the proposal, one concerns its moral adequacy: Isn't it fundamentally unjust to give cash to all indiscriminately rather than to those who need it and deserve it? This article reviews the variety of strategies deployed by political theorists to posit that the proposal is in fact justified, or even required, by social justice. The review focuses mainly on the contemporary normative debate on UBI—roughly dating back to Philippe Van Parijs's influential work in the 1990s—and is centered on the ideals of freedom and equality.

Engendering Political Decision-Making

1998 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hatchard
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
World Wide ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The World ◽  
Women In Decision Making ◽  
Political Decision Making

In November, 1996, the Fifth Meeting of the Commonwealth Ministers Responsible for Women's Affairs recommended that member countries be encouraged to achieve a target of not less than 30 per cent of women in decision-making in the political, public and private sectors by the year 2005. This is an ambitious target for, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the proportion of women involved in politics world-wide declined from 12.1 per cent in 1985 to 11 per cent in 1995. The situation throughout Africa is especially bleak for, as the following table indicates, with the notable exceptions of Mozambique, Seychelles, South Africa, Eritrea and Uganda, most African countries fall well below the world average.

scholarly journals Steven Blockmans and Sophia Russack (eds.): Representative Democracy in the EU: Recovering Legitimacy.

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-137
Author(s):  
Vanessa Horler
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
National Level ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
Member States ◽  
The World ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

Representative democracy is beset by a crisis of legitimacy across the world, but in Europe this crisis is compounded by the inadequacy of national governments to address citizens’ frustrations and to achieve transnational unity on common issues. How representative are national parliaments in their decision-making on EU matters? This volume investigates the relationship between the democratic institutions of the member states and those of the EU. With a focus on polity rather than policy, it looks at voting and decision-shaping mechanisms in selected member states, in particular the ‘Europeanisation’ of representative democracy at national level. It also assesses the state of parliamentary democracy at the EU level. Expert analysts share their insights into the changing nature of our political eco-systems and the (dis)connections within and between them.

scholarly journals Memory’s Method

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-31
Author(s):  
Magdala Desgranges
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Edwidge Danticat ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Function ◽  
Holistic Understanding ◽  
The World

Storytelling has the power to transform and transplant an audience into a higher form of consciousness, presenting nuanced views and correcting inaccurate portrayals of people, places, and phenomena the world over. Analyzing how memory is used in the works of Maryse Condé (Tales from the Heart) and Edwidge Danticat (Breath, Eyes, Memory), the intent of this paper is twofold: first, to articulate the role of temporality, transnationalism, and traces of collective memory in form and content of their works, and second, to highlight the political function embedded in both texts, writing beyond self and opening a parentheses to challenge “one-sided historicity.” I argue that a contextual and holistic understanding of what I call the three Ts (temporality, transnationalism, and traces of memory) as interconnected and not separate elements, are essential in the processes of Condé and Danticat, and the presence of Antillean identity they depict. As a result, an act of social justice is forged through literary critical analysis to represent and re-inscribe Caribbean cultural identity onto the global map.

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