Severan revival (c. AD 180–225)

2021 ◽  
pp. 296-312
Author(s):  
Dominic Perring

This chapter describes extensive rebuilding along London’s Severan waterfront. The first phase is tentatively associated with preparations for Clodius Albinus’ naval expedition to Gaul that was launched from Britain. The second is more certainly associated with the reoccupation of Britain by Severus’ general Virius Lupus in AD 197, for which precise tree-ring dating is available. Subsequent enhancements are likely to date to a phase of busy rebuilding c. AD 215/220, which may also be the approximate date of London’s masonry town wall. These various works were associated with busy traffic between Britain and the continent at times of major campaigns, the conduct of which required the revival of the city. The Severan renewal of London also included temples and other monuments arranged along the undefended waterfront. It is suggested that some of these works were the product of imperial patronage at the time of administrative reforms made by Caracalla on the conclusion of Severus’ Scottish wars. This was when Britain was subdivided into two separate provinces. London was made capital of Britannia Superior and perhaps elevated to the status of colonia following similar arrangements made for York as the capital of Britannia Inferior. The new town wall and temples are interpreted as the monumental expression of London’s revived role as a city of importance to the Roman government of Britain. The architectural details of these monuments are also described.

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 2860 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Przybyła ◽  
Marian Kachniarz ◽  
Maria Hełdak

The purpose of the article was to discuss the impact of administrative reforms on the dynamics and the direction of changes occurring in the labour market structure of cities. In the existing research the view prevails that the loss of the voivodship capital function contributes strongly to the socio-economic degradation of the city. In Poland, this discussion has been caused by an administrative reform, as a result of which 49 existing voivodships and the related 49 voivodship capitals were replaced by 16 voivodships and 18 regional capitals. The carried out research focused on both these Polish urban centres which lost their voivodship status and the ones which retained it and become the centres of new, large regions. The Bray-Curtis measure was used to analyse the studied transformations. The data for 2005 and 2016 were used in the research. The conducted study allowed the identification of groups of the cities characterised by a similar range of changes in labour market structure. The research focused on answering the question whether retaining or losing the status of a voivodship city is related to the scale of these changes. The research results presented in the article seem to confirm that the role of administrative changes in the development of cities is not as extensive as it has commonly been attributed. The actual reasons for the economic growth of large centres, or the shrinking of some former voivodship cities, cannot be reduced to the effects of the reform itself. They result, to a much greater extent, from the processes of deindustrialisation, predominantly related to the regression of the declining industry sectors.


Author(s):  
Е. N. Polyakov ◽  
M. I. Korzh

The article presents a comparative analysis of fortification art monuments in such East countries from Ancient Egypt to medieval China. An attempt is made to identify the main stages of the fortification development from a stand-alone fortress (citadel, fort) to the most complex systems of urban and border fortifications, including moats, walls and gates, battle towers. It is shown that the nature of these architectural structures is determined by the status of the city or settlement, its natural landscape, building structures and materials, the development of military and engineering art. The materials from poliorceticon (Greek: poliorketikon, poliorketika), illustrate the main types of siege machines and mechanisms. The advantages and disadvantages of boundary shafts and long walls (limes). The most striking examples are the defensive systems of Assyria, New Babylon, Judea and Ancient China.


Author(s):  
S. E. Sidorova ◽  

The article concentrates on the colonial and postcolonial history, architecture and topography of the southeastern areas of London, where on both banks of the River Thames in the 18th–20th centuries there were located the docks, which became an architectural and engineering response to the rapidly developing trade of England with territories in the Western and Eastern hemispheres of the world. Constructions for various purposes — pools for loading, unloading and repairing ships, piers, shipyards, office and warehouse premises, sites equipped with forges, carpenter’s workshops, shops, canteens, hotels — have radically changed the bank line of the Thames and appearance of the British capital, which has acquired the status of the center of a huge empire. Docks, which by the beginning of the 20th century, occupied an area of 21 hectares, were the seamy side of an imperial-colonial enterprise, a space of hard and routine work that had a specific architectural representation. It was a necessary part of the city intended for the exchange of goods, where the usual ideas about the beauty gave way to considerations of safety, functionality and economy. Not distinguished by architectural grace, chaotically built up, dirty, smoky and fetid, the area was one of the most significant symbols of England during the industrial revolution and colonial rule. The visual image of this greatness was strikingly different from the architectural samples of previous eras, forcing contemporaries to get used to the new industrial aesthetics. Having disappeared in the second half of the 20th century from the city map, they continue to retain a special place in the mental landscape of the city and the historical memory of the townspeople, which is reflected in the chain of museums located in this area that tell the history of English navigation, England’s participation in geographical discoveries, the stages of conquering the world, creating an empire and ways to acquire the wealth of the nation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Gilda L. Ochoa

By 10 January 2017, activists in the predominately Latina/o working class city of La Puente, California had lobbied the council to declare the city a sanctuary supporting immigrants, people of color, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities. The same community members urged the school district to declare itself a sanctuary. While community members rejoiced in pushing elected officials to pass these inclusive resolutions, there were multiple roadblocks reducing the potential for more substantive change. Drawing on city council and school board meetings, resolutions and my own involvement in this sanctuary struggle, I focus on a continuum of three overlapping and interlocking manifestations of white supremacist heteronormative patriarchy: neoliberal diversity discourses, institutionalized policies, and a re-emergence of high-profiled white supremacist activities. Together, these dynamics minimized, contained and absorbed community activism and possibilities of change. They reinforced the status quo by maintaining limits on who belongs and sustaining intersecting hierarchies of race, immigration status, gender, and sexuality. This extended case adds to the scant scholarship on the current sanctuary struggles, including among immigration scholars. It also illustrates how the state co-opts and marginalizes movement language, ideas, and people, providing a cautionary tale about the forces that restrict more transformative change.


1968 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wyatt T. Walker

“Then Elisha said to those people who were assembled in the main square, in the midst of a terrible famine, with the Syrian army at the gate: ‘In about twenty-four hours you will be able to buy a measure of fine flour for a shekel and two measures of barley for a shekel.’ And the captain upon whose arm the king leaned looked at him and spoke in derision: ‘Ha! What's God going to do? Open up a hole in the sky and pour out food upon all of these hungry people?’ And Elisha turned to him and said: ‘You have a big mouth. You will see it with your own eyes, but you will not eat thereof.’ And there were four lepers sitting at the entering in of the gate of Samaria, and they held a conversation amongst themselves that had to do with what the future might hold for them. And they said one to another: ‘What good is it for us to sit here until we die? If we go into the city, there is a famine there, and we shall die. If we sit here, if we maintain the status quo, if we hold what we've got, we shall die also. Come on, let us go out to meet the Syrian hosts, let's try something that we never tried before, and perhaps we shall be taken prisoners of war, and, if so, at least we'll survive. And if not, what have we got to lose?’” (II Kings 7: 1–20; the “Walker” translation).


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Natalia Zhigalova

In this article, the author turns to an examination of the status of the Jewish community in Thessalonica in the late Byzantine period. The author concludes that both in the Byzantine era and during the Venetian rule in Thessalonica, the Jewish community of the city was subjected to numerous restrictions and prohibitions on the part of the official authorities. The reason for this was the initial isolation of the community, as well as the fact that the Jews, in contrast to the rest of the townspeople, owned vast financial resources and rented trading floors, ousting local entrepreneurs from there. The Jewish community in Thessalonica, quite numerous by the standards of contemporaries, in the XIV and XV centuries was in a state of permanent conflict with the church authorities of the city and, probably, had some influence on the communities of Judaizing Christians.


Author(s):  
Mara Regina do Nascimento

Este artigo propõe-se a ser uma colaboração com os estudos dedicados às irmandades religiosas brasileiras, na sua face regional. A linha de pensamento adotada toma a cidade, a experiência urbana e as ditas associações religiosas como instâncias sociais intimamente relacionadas e interdependentes. Durante o século XIX, a irmandade gestora da Santa Casa de Misericórdia em Porto Alegre cumpria um papel fundamental não apenas para a composição material de seu espaço, mas igualmente para conferir-lhe o status de importante cidade dentro do mosaico urbano que compunha o Império brasileiro. Tomando por base o histórico de ações concretas da irmandade, como a construção do Hospital, as iniciativas para a caridade e filantropia e a promoção das festas litúrgicas, este artigo analisa o vínculo indissociável entre o associativismo católico e o estilo de vida urbano dos setecentos e oitocentos. Palavras-chave: Irmandades Religiosas. Santa Casa de Misericórdia. Cultura Urbana.AbstractThis paper intends to collaborate with other works dedicated to the study of brazilian religious brotherhoods, in their regional aspect. The line of thought  adopted takes the city, the urban experience and the religious associations above mentioned as closely related and interdependent social instances. During the XIX century, the brotherhood in charge of the Holy House of Mercy in the city of Porto Alegre played a fundamental role, not just in the material composition of the urban space, but also in giving it the status of an important city within the urban mosaic comprised by the Brazilian Empire. Based on the (historic of) concrete actions of this brotherhood, as were the construction of the Hospital, the creation of a social representation for the notion of charity, and the promotion of liturgic feasts, this article analyses the unbreakable bond between catholic associativism and the urban lifestyle of the XVIII and XIX centuries.Keywords: Religious Brotherhoods. Holy House of Mercy. Urban Culture. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 105-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarisse Godard Desmarest

AbstractThe Melville Monument, which stands at the centre of St Andrew's Square in Edinburgh, was erected between 1821 and 1823 in memory of the Tory statesman Henry Dundas, first Viscount Melville (1742–1811). The design for the monument, more than 150 ft tall, was provided by William Burn (1789–1870). The 15 ft statue of Dundas that stands on top, added in 1827, was carved by Robert Forrest (1789–1852), a Scottish sculptor from Lanarkshire, from a design by Francis Chantrey (1781–1841). The Melville Monument, imperial in character and context, is part of a series of highly visible monuments built in Edinburgh in the early nineteenth century to celebrate such figures as Horatio Nelson, Robert Burns, William Pitt, King George IV and the dead of the Napoleonic wars (National Monument). This article examines the commission and construction of the Melville Monument, and analyses the choice and significance of St Andrew's Square as a locus for commemoration. The monument is shown to be part of an emerging commitment to enhance the more picturesque qualities of the city, a reaction against the exaggerated formality of the first New Town and its grid pattern.


Author(s):  
Clara Rübner Jørgensen

On the basis of data collected during fieldwork in the city of León, Nicaragua, this article discusses the paradox of many Nicaraguan parents describing their children’s school as being free of charge despite the fact that they are frequently asked to pay for it. The article shows that, in spite of the constitutional definition of education as free and equal for all Nicaraguans, parents are often asked for economic contributions. By analysing the values surrounding the school I suggest that values of responsibility and solidarity influence the way that parents conceptualize their school expenditures and, in relation to this, confirm the status of the school as free. Furthermore, the article describes how Nicaraguan parents often compare the school to their home and describe the relation between teacher and students by using family terms. Inspired by the theory of the American sociologist James Carrier, I argue that this comparison, in addition to the values of responsibility and solidarity, further influences the way Nicaraguan parents and children experience their economic contributions. Finally, I argue that even though the users of the school describe it as free of charge, it remains necessary to recognize its economic aspects, since a lack of recognition can turn out to have important individual and social consequences for the people involved, especially, for the most economically marginalized families.  


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