scholarly journals Quest for Political Stability: Party Leadership Role in CA

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Purushotam Marattha

The political parties of Nepal have never been able to move as an engine of social transformation process, much like their inability to give a stable government. After replacing the Party-less regimes, with them multiparty system the country has mainly witnessed drawbacks of parliamentary system. The political parties have failed to promote democracy and they have hammered on the root of constitution. However, a new constitution was demanded through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and after nearly a decade long exercise, the constitution of Nepal, 2015, was promulgated on September20, 2015. Since that period Nepal has formally entered into a Federal Republican Nation. The new constitution has covered all the achievements of Second People's Movement (SPM).Since then the federal republican constitution has been completely setup in Nepal. This constitution has institutionalized the federal democratic republican setup and it has opened the rooms for amendment, where as the constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 was not amended even a single article for the last many years. Writing the constitution through the CA was a great achievement of Nepal. During the constitution declaration period major political forces like Big-3 NC, CPNUML and UCPNM showed their highest degree of Unity. The new constitution was passed by more than two thirds majority in the CA. But the Conflict about the number of States (Pradesh) is hampering the stability of the present new constitution. The dissolved CA-2 has not been able to settle all the political conflicts. The on going Madhes agitation deepen into the another constitutional crisis. Tarai based parties like Samyukta LoktantrikMadhesi Morcha (SLMM), an alliance of four parties has joined the parliamentary process. Earlier SLMM has obstructed and paralyzed border area with an unseen support of southern neighbor. Daily general strike of SLMM and closure of industries at border points has led to soft state syndrome in Nepal.

Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


Author(s):  
Tri Ratna Manandhar

The peoples’ movement of 1990 was a great landmark in the history of modern Nepal for it ended the three-decades of the old dictatorial rule of the king and established a parliamentary system with the king as a nominal head of state. But unfortunately, the country could not form a good government because of inter and intra-party conflicts. To add fuel to the flame, the rise of the Maoist movement and the royal massacre put the country in a state of confusion and uncertainty. The new king tried to revive dictatorial rule once again by suppressing the political parties and the Maoists. But his attempts failed, and the 19-day movement in 2006 re-established peoples’ sovereignty in the country. The first meeting of the elected constituent assembly in 2008 formally ended monarchy and declared Nepal a republic. But the first constituent assembly ended its four–year term without drafting a constitution. The second constituent assembly has pledged to promulgate a democratic constitution by January 2015, but all indications are that that the country is unlikely to get a constitution in time.  


Author(s):  
Budi Kurniadi

This research paper was aims to explore the dimensions of the political development that are closely related to the existence of a political system that is confronted with progressive social and political changes. Democracy as the pillar of the implementation of constitutional government is a form of political development idealism which in its implementation moves dynamically and synergizes with the prevailing political system. As one manifestation of democratic implementation, political institutionalization is the most important part in the implementation of democratic governance. The role of political parties in all countries including in Indonesia, in the plain view, coloring the political dynamics of the government. Understanding political development certainly will not be separated from the social transformation, because social changes that was occur in society also move rapidly, but on the other hand the reality of public political education is not in line with the political changes that occur due to the swift external factors including the development of foreign politics. In this critical study, certainly not all dimensions of political development will be discussed but try to express the ideas was related to democracy, political parties in the perspective of political education which includes democracy, political parties and the problem, the reality of public political education. the link between democracy, political parties and political education is at the core of this study.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Angus McNelly

By drawing on the theoretical framework of the second incorporation of heterogeneous social organizations by progressive governments through informal contestation and/or technocratic implementation of their demands in Latin America, this article argues that the first presidential term of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006–2009) was marked by the incorporation of combative social movements through both a multidimensional co-optation of movements and the technocratic competition of the central movement demands for the nationalization of gas and the rewriting of the constitution through a constituent assembly. However, by 2010, this incorporation had stripped social movements of their ability to mobilize for change and the political conjuncture had shifted, making the government less dependent on its social bases to maintain political stability. This simultaneously transformed movements into defensive movements protecting the gains from the previous period and state–social-movement relations into informal contestatory regimes in which movements could only struggle against proposed political agendas. En base a un marco teórico que abarca la segunda incorporación de organizaciones sociales heterogéneas por parte de gobiernos progresistas a través de la contestación informal y/o la implementación tecnocrática de sus demandas en América Latina, un análisis del proyecto político de Evo Morales en Bolivia sostiene que su primer mandato presidencial se vio caracterizado por la incorporación de movimientos sociales combativos a través de una cooptación multidimensional de dichos movimientos y la competencia tecnocrática de las demandas del movimiento central en torno a la nacionalización del gas y la modificación de la constitución por una asamblea constituyente. Sin embargo, para 2010, esta incorporación había despojado a los movimientos sociales de su capacidad de movilizarse a favor del cambio y la coyuntura política había cambiado, haciendo que el gobierno dependiera menos de sus bases sociales para mantener la estabilidad política. Esto transformó a los movimientos en entidades defensivas dedicadas a proteger las ganancias del período anterior y las relaciones entre el estado y los movimientos sociales en regímenes informales de impugnación dentro de los cuales los movimientos mismos sólo podían luchar contra las agendas políticas propuestas.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arusyak Aleksanyan ◽  
Ashot Aleksanyan

This book analyses procedures for ensuring Eurasian Economic Union political stability and promoting Eurasian integration. The political factors of stability and new integration agenda of the EEU member states have been comparatively analyzed by the application of the methodology of the Stability Index of Political System with careful consideration of continually improving the context of legal obligations and harmonizing interstate relations. The book covers a comprehensive study of a number of factors determining the political stability of the EEU member states within 2000-2019. In-country and Crosscountry analyses have been conducted within the framework of methodology of the Stability Index of Political System. This book is intended to be used by scholars, experts and students at universities and research centers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-545 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurgen De Wispelaere ◽  
Leticia Morales

AbstractAlthough basic income has surged in policy interest in recent years, political research has not kept up with the debate in the trenches. In this article, we tackle a political problem any enacting coalition must face: how to ensure the political stability of a basic income over time. We first demonstrate how basic income schemes are particularly vulnerable to processes of policy change discussed in the recent policy feedback literature. We then analyse whether constitutionalising basic income in a Bill of Rights protected by strong judicial review would offer a valuable route for boosting basic income’s stability. A careful examination of the decision-making process within judicial review suggests that, caught up in a dilemma between judicial restraint and judicial activism, an enacting coalition would do well not to rely on constitutional mechanisms as the sole avenue for ensuring the political stability of basic income.


1964 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kemal H. Karpat

The internal political life of Turkey since the revolution of 1960 JL has been beset by military coups and conflicts between political parties and social groups far more frequent and intensive than might normally be expected in a post-revolutionary period. This unrest contrasts sharply with the political stability which prevailed before 1960, and comes after a series of constitutional changes intended to establish a better system for orderly change and control of government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Mendes Loureiro ◽  
Alfredo Saad-Filho

Under favorable external circumstances, the pragmatic political and economic strategy of Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) helped to secure short-term political stability, boosted growth, and supported an unprecedented distribution of income. However, it also meant that the PT had to accommodate to rather than transform the constraints on growth in Brazil and that stability would involve unwieldy political alliances preventing deeper reforms. When it was confronted with deteriorating global economic conditions and increasingly ineffectual economic policies, the PT’s strategy immobilized the party, facilitated the dissolution of its base of support, and expedited its ouster from power. The Brazilian experience suggests that political pragmatism can, within limits, support progressive economic change but that the outcomes depend heavily on external circumstances and the stability of the political coalitions supporting the administration. Em circunstâncias externas favoráveis, a pragmática estratégia política e econômica do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) ajudou a assegurar a estabilidade política no curto prazo, impulsionou o crescimento e apoiou uma distribuição de renda sem precedentes. No entanto, isso também significou que o PT teve que se acomodar a, em vez de transformar, as restrições ao crescimento no Brasil, e que a estabilidade envolveria alianças políticas comprometedoras, impedindo reformas mais profundas. Quando foi confrontada com a deterioração das condições econômicas globais e apresentando políticas econômicas cada vez mais ineficazes, a estratégia do PT imobilizou o partido, facilitou a dissolução de sua base de apoio e acelerou sua saída do poder. A experiência brasileira sugere que o pragmatismo político pode, dentro de certos limites, apoiar a mudança econômica progressista, mas que os resultados dependem muito das circunstâncias externas e da estabilidade das coalizões políticas que apóiam a administração.


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