Rules of Engagement and Self-Defence

Author(s):  
J.F.R. Boddens Hosang

This chapter discusses the interaction between (the law of) self-defence and the rules of engagement (ROE), and how they play out against the military, and subsequently the political objectives of governments. It analyses the various forms of self-defence, from a national to individual perspective, including unit self-defence and force protection, and examines the legal basis and framework for each type of self-defence. The chapter goes on to analyse how these frameworks interact with, and influence, the ROE for military operations, discussing the concepts and applications of Hostile Act and Hostile Intent as followed by the North America Treaty Organization and the European Union in specific detail.

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 424-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florin Fainisi ◽  
Victor Al. Fainisi

Abstract The technology of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) has constantly developed in the last decade, becoming a key feature of the military programs and operations in Europe and the US, and the industry market has considerably grown. The vast majority of this growth is at the US level, whose military budget is bigger than of any other state in the world. On the other hand, with respect to the civil market, the sale of these kinds of aircrafts is in its initial stages, even though there are lots of fields in which it can be applied. In general, the states have begun to take legislative measures so that the unmanned flight of such an aircraft in areas open to civil aircrafts is controlled, so that any danger to the civil aircrafts should be avoided. The countries of the European Union that have not legislated this field are subject to Regulation 216/2008/EC regarding common norms in the civil aviation field and the Chicago Convention. Furthermore, all EU states are NATO members and thus apply in principle the norms established by the North-Atlantic Organization.


2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.


Author(s):  
Beate Sjåfjell

This chapter focuses on the neglected environmental dimension of sustainable development. It argues that ecological sustainable development as the new law is not only supported by normative necessity but also has a legal basis in the law of the European Union. The political and bureaucratic will to carry through the necessary practical implementation is, however, lacking. This does not affect the validity of the legal basis or that of the obligations flowing from the legal basis. Rather, it indicates a need to keep repeating the message until it gets through. The chapter outlines the legal basis and its implications for the prioritisation between the three dimensions in EU law. It concludes with some reflections on the possible contribution of labour to the necessary transition to sustainable societies.


Author(s):  
Stephen D. Engle

This chapter examines the political season of 1862, and the role the emancipation proclamation and the military operations played in shaping the Democratic victories that came about. It also explores the political problems governors and Lincoln endured as a result of the October and November elections.


2020 ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Alan Montgomery

The Agricola of Tacitus is the most extensive surviving ancient literary source on Roman Britain, and much of it deals with the Roman general Agricola’s conquest of Caledonia. Apparently providing evidence of the military prowess and civilising intentions of Rome whilst also describing a brave Caledonian hero named Calgacus, the text could be interpreted differently according to the political and patriotic affiliations of its early modern readers. As chapter seven will reveal, the Agricola would become something of an obsession amongst Scotland’s antiquarians, providing historical information on Roman exploits in the north but also lacking key geographical and historical details, encouraging conjecture which sometimes tipped into pure fantasy. As a result, a phenomenon christened ‘Agricolamania’ had already been noted by the end of the eighteenth century.


1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold Wolfers

Pressures to extend the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into fields other than the military, or actually to shift the emphasis to political, economic, and cultural objectives, have been so strong in recent years that one wonders whether there has not been a growing tendency, particularly in Europe, to lose sight of the purpose for which NATO was established and which makes it vital to the United States. Essentially, NATO is a multilateral military alliance for the protection of western and southern Europe against Soviet conquest, a means of denying these areas and their resources to the Soviets. If the members of the alliance, on one side or the other of the Atlantic, were ever to reach the conclusion that the threat of military attack from the east had vanished or that it could not be countered effectively by common military effort, NATO would have lost its original raison d'être, though it might be continued for the sake of what today are secondary non-military functions, such as political conciliation and economic collaboration. It should be added that the primacy of the military purpose of NATO, as it exists today, does not preclude the desirability or even the necessity of extending its scope beyond purely military matters. As Ruth C. Lawson has pointed out, there is little hope for reliable military collaboration among countries ohat do not succeed in attaining a reasonable degree of harmony between their political aims and policies. Cyprus, Suez, and Algeria are symptomatic of the problems NATO faces in the political field.


Author(s):  
S.M. Rubtsov

The article is devoted to the military action of the Roman Empire in the Middle-Danube valley in the early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D. The main aim of this article consists in reconstruction one of the important events in Roman wars against the Germans tribe marcomanni, who lived on the territory of modern-day Czechia (ancient Boygemia). The author uses the analytical and comparative methods, analyzing the historical works of Roman authors and epigraphic facts. One of the main new aspects of article consists in chronology of events. The author tries to prove that defeat of Roman army and death of praefectus Marc Macrinius Vindex took place at the same time in early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D.. This defeat had the important influence on the other military operations in the next time. Marcomanni and his allies seriously threatened the Roman province of Pannonia situated on the right bank of the Danube. The emperor Marcus Aurelius (161 — 180 A.D) waged several wars against the marcomanni and their allies quadi in 167 — 180 A.D. In winter 169 A.D. Marcus Aurelius became the sole emperor. He came back in Carnuntum in Upper Pannonia and began to complete the army for the offensive against marcomanni. The legatus Augusti Marc Macrinius Avitus Catonius Vindex with vexillationes of five Pannonia's legions and a few auxiliums forced a crossing the Danube in the early spring 170 A.D. Marcomanni defeated the Roman army and killed the legatus Augusti. The Germans captivated many soldiers from legions and auxiliums, burned several war-camps in Upper and Lower Pannonias. They reached the borders of the North Italy and besieged the Aquileja again. The author comes to the conclusion, that in result of the defeat of Marc Macrinius Vindex the Roman troops in the Middle and Lower Danube stood on the defensive.


Author(s):  
Fleck Dieter ◽  
Newton Michael A ◽  
Grenfell Katarina

This chapter discusses the use of multinational military units. Some European States, such as Germany, have incorporated large, if not most, parts of their national military forces in permanent multinational units. Many other States including the US are forming ad hoc military units for specific operations. The UN, NATO, and other international organizations are pursuing standby arrangements and high readiness commitments to allow for rapid response. In all these situations command and control issues are to be considered. While there are many different forms of multinational military cooperation, and Sending States will avoid regulating these matters in status-of-forces agreements (SOFAs) with the Receiving State, they are nevertheless relevant for the law and practice of Visiting Forces. This chapter draws some conclusions on the concept of multinational military operations for the North Atlantic Alliance, the European Union, and beyond.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-292
Author(s):  
Gary Gumpert ◽  
Susan J. Drucker

The military operations of 1974 in Cyprus led to the formation of two autonomous areas houding Turkish Cypriots in the north and the Greek Cypriots in the south. The island is divided by the "Green Line", patrolled by U.N. peace keeping forces.Movement is blocked and communication severed. There are multiple and conflicting Cypriot identities and feelings of nationalism ranging from pride in being Cypriots, to feelings of connection to Hellenic heritage, and cultural along with political and economic ties to Greece. A Turkish Cypriot identity linked to a distinct religious and linguistic background co-exists with Turkish settlers living in the independent north yet tied to Turkey.  This article examines the division from a communication perspective taking into account language, religion, the visual landscape and the media landscape on each side ofthe "Green Line" along with interlocking media landscapes with Greece or Turkey in order to explore influences shaping collective identity and nationalism.


Arta ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Sergius Ciocanu ◽  

The documents attest the presence of an Armenian community in Chisinau since the ‘30s of the 18th century. In the 18th century, the Chisinau Armenians had a place of worship, located on the site of the present Armenian Church, in the “heart” of the city, on the first street parallel to the north-east side of the market square. In 1774, among the Chisinau Armenians, the priest Musuz was mentioned, who served in the Armenian Church. The temple was badly damaged by the fire that engulfed Chisinau during the military operations of 1788. The earthquake destroyed this place of worship on October 14, 1802. In 1803-1804, it was rebuilt in the same place. The construction manager and, possibly, the architect of the holy place, was master Vardan from Iaşi. According to the statistical documents of 1809, three priests and four deacons served in the Armenian church. The cemetery of Armenian community was located near the old Orthodox cemetery of the Mazarache church. However, some more important burials were also done in the churchyard of the Armenian church. During the XIX-XX centuries, the church underwent many alterations and renovations, which changed its appearance. In 1993, by the decision of the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, this valuable building of Chisinau was given the status of historic monument.


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