“A Close-Knit Group, Chosen with Care”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Padraic Kenney
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
The Political ◽  
German Empire ◽  
Internment Camp ◽  
Early Twentieth Century

The political prison cell is a place of community. Prisoners build networks of communication using a variety of techniques ranging from smuggled notes to hand signals to knocking on walls. Political prisoners also organize themselves in prison. They are influenced by the development of prisoners of war camps in the early twentieth century. The Frongoch internment camp in Wales for Irish rebels of 1916 and the Szczypiorno POW camp for Poles who had refused allegiance to the German Empire a year later are key instances of how political incarceration and military hierarchy could reinforce one another. The komuna among Polish communists in the interwar years shows how such organization could further integrate and discipline members of a movement behind bars.

scholarly journals Perpetuation of Taras Shevchenko's memory in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region at the beginning of the XX century

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
Serhii Svitlenko
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
40Th Anniversary ◽  
Illegal Activity ◽  
Historical Material ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Press

The relevance of this topic is seen in the fact that its study provides an opportunity to deepen the understanding of the underdeveloped problem of perpetuating the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko – a symbol of the Ukrainian nation's struggle for social and national freedom as an important factor in opposing the imperial regime. Tsarism by methods of ideological, gendarmerie-police, censorship pressure in every way prevented the activation of conscious Ukrainians in the early twentieth century. The aim of the study is to study the perpetuation of the memory of Taras Shevchenko in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region in the early twentieth century. The results of the article are that based on the study of archival and published documents, journalistic materials of the press and memoirs, various methods of legal and illegal activity of the Ukrainian national movement in preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko were reconstructed. It is emphasized that the progressive public widely celebrated the 40th anniversary of Kobzar's death in the press. In the early twentieth century Ukrainian activists raised the issue of erecting a monument to Shevchenko, continued the tradition of visiting the tomb of the Ukrainian poet, tried to perpetuate his memory in toponymy, participated in Shevchenko's memorial services, resorted to illegal gatherings in honor of Kobzar, mentioned him during meetings and communication in among the intelligentsia. The originality and scientific novelty of the article in the production and development of insufficiently researched plot on historical Shevchenko studies, actualization and conceptualization of various concrete-historical material. Conclusions were made on various forms and methods of struggle to preserve the memory of Taras Shevchenko, which contributed to the establishment of national consciousness among Ukrainians, strengthened the political tendency in the Ukrainian national movement.

Autofiction: Stained Radiance and The Thirteenth Disciple

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
William K. Malcolm
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Early Adulthood ◽  
Social Realism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chronological Order ◽  
Female Protagonists ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
Imaginative Literature ◽  
Political Responses

Mitchell’s first two novels are examined as works deploying the medium of imaginative literature for introspection and analysis of his own past. In reverse chronological order they recreate the narrative of his childhood and early adulthood, in the course of which they present a state of the nation critique of early twentieth century Britain. The forthright verisimilitude of the social realism is in keeping with the philosophical nihilism prevailing in the inter-war years, with the political responses of mainstream parties and of radical splinter groups such as the Anarchocommunist Party appearing unable to change society for the better. Mitchell’s technical experimentation with metafiction and intertextuality indicates the scale of his literary ambition, while his proto-feminist sympathies are marked by his reliance on female protagonists.

Lev Gumilev: His Pretensions as Founder of Ethnology and his Eurasian Theories

Inner Asia ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergei Panarin ◽  
Viktor Shnirelman
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Natural Environment ◽  
Scientific Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Biological Entity ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Special Time

AbstractThis paper takes a critical look at the work of the extraordinarily popular historian Lev Gumilev. Writing in late Soviet times, Gumilev has become virtually a cult figure in Russia after his death. He took up the ideas of the Eurasianists of the early twentieth century, according to whom Russia's destiny is to be a Eurasian power, and he reconfigured them as a ‘scientific’ theory of ethnos. The ethnos is supposed to be a ‘biological’ entity determined by its place in the natural environment, but at the same time, inspired by a few innovative leaders, each ‘ethnos’ has its special time of intense flowering (which Gumilev called ‘passionary’). The article examines the contradictions in Gumilev's theories and its methodological flaws. It endswith a discussion of the political implications ofGumilev's popularity in post-Socialist Russia. He is not only admired by semi-educated people but is also legitimised by sections of the academy (a university is named after him in Kazakhstan). It is argued that his work lends a spurious credence to nationalismand anti-semitism.

Polo Beyris: A Forgotten Internment Camp in France, 1939–47

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 368-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Guse
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
Internment Camp ◽  
Additional Dimension ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
History Of ◽  
Dense Urban Area ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
Occupied Zone

Polo Beyris is a virtually unexplored example of internment under French and German authorities. From 1939 to 1947 the camp of Polo Beyris in Bayonne held successively: Spanish Civil War refugees, French colonial prisoners of war, suspected ‘collaborators’ and German prisoners of war. Despite having up to 8600 prisoners at one time, the large camp and its numerous satellite work detachments were literally ‘forgotten’ for decades. Although similar to other camps in its improvised nature, wretched living conditions, lack of food and constant movement of prisoners, Polo Beyris was also unique: located in a dense urban area, within the wartime Occupied Zone and close to the Spanish frontier. Its civil and military administrators were faced with constantly changing, and often chaotic, political and military circumstances. Not a waystation in the Holocaust, Polo Beyris has been lost from the sight of historians. It provides an additional dimension to the complex history of internment in twentieth century France.

scholarly journals Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Short Time

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 

“How to Free Your Prisoner”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Padraic Kenney
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Building Blocks ◽  
International Committee ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
Amnesty International ◽  
Late Twentieth

Though political prisoners are almost always incarcerated for national causes, they became the focus of international support in the twentieth century. The earliest attention was from diaspora communities of supporters, for example, among the Irish or among socialists. The International Committee of the Red Cross began with a focus on prisoners of war, expanding to political prisoners after World War I. The New York–based International Committee for Political Prisoners pioneered a nonpartisan approach to political prisoners. Like Amnesty International forty years later, it was an advocate for those who did not engage in violence. New kinds of prisoner assistance in the late twentieth century proved to be building blocks of post-transition civil society.

“Buy White—Stay Fair”

2018 ◽  
pp. 642-662
Author(s):  
Stefanie Affeldt
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Cane Sugar ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consumerism ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Manufactured Products ◽  
White Sugar

This historical chapter investigates two examples of racist political consumerism in early-twentieth-century Australia. It found expression in a locally particular form known as the White Sugar campaign, which declared consumption of cane sugar a moral duty for everyone in support of White Australia. Meanwhile, the Buy Australian-Made campaign called on Australian consumers to express their national pride by consuming locally manufactured products. Both campaigns drew on broader logics of commodity racism that, praising white supremacy and subscribing to ideologies of national progress, welded together everyday culture with the political programme of the time and contributed to the emergence of an imagined racist community of consumers.

G. K. Chesterton and Islam

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Tom Villis
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Context ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
Protestant Christianity ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Scholarly Attention

G. K. Chesterton's anti-Semitism has attracted much scholarly attention, but his views on Islam have largely passed without comment. This article situates Chesterton's writings in relation to historical views of Islam in Britain and the political, cultural and religious context of the early twentieth century. Chesterton's complex and contradictory opinions fail to support easy conclusions about the immutability of prejudice across time. His views of Islam are at times orientalist and at other times critical of imperialism and elitism. As well as drawing on medieval Catholic ideas about the “heresy” of Islam, Chesterton also links Islam with Protestant Christianity. From another perspective, his views of Islam draw on liberal traditions of humanitarian interventionism and democratic patriotism. Finally, he also used Islam as a symbol of a corroding modernity. This study suggests the need for a historically sensitive genealogy of the evolution of anti-Muslim prejudice which is not predetermined by the politics of the early twenty-first century.

The Day of Bulgarian Liberation from Ottoman Rule: Commemorative Practices in the Political Context of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries

2019 ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Mikhail Simov
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Late Nineteenth

rule. Against the present geopolitical situation on the Balkans and in the context of Bulgarian-Russian relations, 3 March — the day when the San Stefano Peace Treaty of 1878 was signed which is also Bulgaria’s national holiday — customarily precipitates political comments and controversial statements of government officials. While Bulgarian-Russian political relations in the last quarter of the nineteenth century were rather complicated, they became the backdrop of the shaping of the tradition of celebrating the Liberation Day; the commemorative activities and interpretation of the day’s significance were closely interwoven with the political trends and the ambitions of the governments in Sofia. The paper examines the process of establishing the tradition of celebrating the Liberation Day in Bulgaria in the context of the dynamics of the Bulgarian-Russian political relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century

‘Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence Day’

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Philosophical Thinking ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Finnegans Wake ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth

This chapter begins by reflecting on various reactions Joyce’s Finnegans Wake provoked during its long gestation, looking in detail at H. G. Wells, T. S. Eliot, Eugene Jolas, and C. K. Ogden. After explaining why it is important to consider the Wake’s place in intellectual history, it focuses on three traditions from which Joyce derived inspiration: the political thinking of the late nineteenth century, reflected in the writings of the Russian anarchist Léon Metchnikoff (1838–88); the linguistic thinking of the early twentieth century, as manifest in the work of the Danish linguist Otto Jespersen (1860–1943); and the philosophical thinking also of the early twentieth century, associated with the Austro-Hungarian journalist, novelist, and philosopher Fritz Mauthner (1849–1923). The chapter concludes by considering the Wake’s various lessons in reading, the centrality it accords to writing, and the bearing this has on how we think about language, culture, community, and the state.

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