Election Commission of India

Author(s):  
E. Sridharan ◽  
Milan Vaishnav

This chapter examines the evolution of one of the world’s most powerful elections bodies, the Election Commission of India (ECI). Blessed with a legal status as a permanent, independent body under the Constitution, the ECI has used its broad mandate to develop wide-ranging powers to regulate the conduct and management of elections. A series of skilled leaders have further pushed the agency to undertake consistent organizational and technological innovation. In spite of this progress, the agency has struggled mightily to curb the twin influences of money and “muscle” (serious criminality) in electoral politics. Unless the ECI is given more substantial legal authorities to address these challenges, the credibility of the electoral process will likely suffer. Legal ambiguity also makes the body vulnerable to political interference, although the multi-polar distribution of political power—coupled with widespread popular support and a sympathetic judiciary—mitigate this risk.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Amrit Kumar Shrestha

Nepali Congress (NC) is one of the oldest political party of Nepal. It played a vital role to abolish the century long autocratic Rana rule in 1951. It fought against the party-less Panchayat system and the regressive step of the king. It opposes active kingship and communism. It believes in a representative democracy. It has participated in every election of Nepal that was conducted democratically. It won more than two-thirds majority seats in the first general election held in 1959. In every election, it stayed in the first or second position. This article tries to analyze the status of NC in the elections of Nepal. Data of seven general elections were examined in this article. Data were extracted basically from the reports of the Election Commission.


Author(s):  
Sergey V. Vedyashkin ◽  
◽  
Daria V. Sennikova ◽  
Elman S. Yusubov ◽  
◽  
...  

The article deals with the problems of administrative responsibility for violations of the election legislation; the issue is studied in the context of the legal status of electoral commis-sions. The authors assess the administrative-tort and constitutional-legal provisions, mediating issues and the implementation of administrative responsibility for violations of the election legislation. Attention is drawn to the peculiarities of the legal status of electoral commissions and the functions of their activities. The content of certain issues related to the jurisdiction of election commissions in terms of the implementation of their administrative and tort powers is studied in the article; the analysis of their content is carried out, the problems of practical importance, including an assessment of the legal status of election commissions, are pointed out. When writing the article, the authors used the following methods when writing: system analysis, dialectical, logical, comparative-legal, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction. As a result of the study, the following results were obtained: – the inconsistency of election and administrative legislation and the practice of their enforcement are also expressed in bringing to justice by corpus delicti, which does neither involve the payment of a fairly significant fine, nor significantly affects the maintenance of law and order; – municipal election commissions as well as other election commissions that do not func-tion outside the election campaigns may additionally need material technical and methodological support in fixing administrative offenses; – legal responsibility in the electoral process needs to be transformed according to the principles of the work of election commissions, expressed in the capacious category of “effec-tive care” for the implementation of passive and active suffrage; – the measures of administrative responsibility, first of all, penalties addressed to candi-dates and electoral associations, cannot exceed the amount of funds spent on average for the election campaign at the lowest level, a spontaneous increase in the size of this sanction is not permissible and needs to be revised, taking into account the proposed indicators; – when updating the institution of responsibility in the electoral process, the principle of federalism should also be taken into account. In this regard, it seems possible to delegate to the legislative (representative) bodies of the subject the right to fix in the legislation on administrative offences the constituent elements of crimes used in the course of municipal elections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 85-114
Author(s):  
Martha C. Johnson ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Amanda Clayton ◽  
Amanda Lea Robinson

Chapter 4 asks whether the decentralization of political power to the local level eases women’s entry into electoral politics. This study assesses the proposition that decentralizing power facilitates women’s political entry by comparing women’s nomination experiences in the local elections of Benin and Malawi. In Benin, consistent decentralization has expanded the power and political appeal of local councils, while in Malawi, halting decentralization had created relatively less powerful and less appealing councils. The authors argue that this difference in decentralization helps explain why women in Malawi have fared better in local elections than in Benin. They find that, as local bodies acquire more power, the cost and competitiveness of local elections increases and undermines women’s ability to secure a party nomination.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radhika Rao

The legal status of the human body is hotly contested, yet the law of the body remains in a state of confusion and chaos. Sometimes the body is treated as an object of property, sometimes it is dealt with under the rubric of contract, and sometimes it is not conceived as property at all, but rather as the subject of privacy rights. Which body of law should become the law of the body? This question is even more pressing in the context of current biomedical research, which permits commodification and commercialization of the body by everyone except the person who provides the “raw materials.” The lack of property protection for tangible parts of the human body is in stark contrast to the extensive protection granted to intellectual property in the body in the form of patents upon human genes and cell lines. Moreover, even courts that reject ownership claims on the part of those who supply body parts appear willing to grant property rights to scientists, universities, and others who use those body parts to conduct research and create products.


Author(s):  
O.V. Martselyak ◽  
M.O. Martselyak

The article states that formation of representative state and local self-governmental authorities is an important stage of state formation. And the legitimacy of both their conduct and the representative public authorities in Ukraine depends on the extent to which it will be carried out within the framework of the election legislation and the extent to which the domestic legislator will provide anti-fraud factors and safeguards against mass violations of various elections.             National and foreign practice proves that the institution of election monitoring that is represented by various observers who contribute to the conduct of election campaigns on a democratic basis in accordance with the electoral standards developed by the international community, is rather effective in this respect.             In Ukraine, the status of official observers is granted to: 1) official observers from candidates, parties (organizations of parties) - subjects of the election process, 2) official observers from public organizations which are duly authorized to have official observers in the relevant elections, 3) official observers from foreign states and international organizations who can observe the election process.             The Electoral Code of Ukraine defines the status of official observers differently, in particular, official observers from foreign states and international organizations are not recognized as subjects of the election process. However, this does not diminish their role in monitoring the electoral process in Ukraine by the legality of the actions of its subjects. The introduction of the institution of official observers from foreign states and international organizations is seen as expression of trust between states and as evidence of the intention of these countries and international organizations to contribute to the democratization of the electoral process in the world.              The paper reveals the legal nature of official observers from foreign states and international organizations, highlights the standards of legal status of official observers from foreign states and international organizations developed by international organizations, considers national and foreign experience of legal regulation of their status and substantiates provisions on necessity for improvement of national electoral legislation on this basis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Akinola Olanrewaju Olugbenga ◽  
William Heuva

Nigeria’s current democratic dispensation which started in 1999 entered its sixteenth year with the general elections held between March 28 and April 11, 2015. This study takes a retrospective look at Nigeria’s democratic journey since independence, with particular emphasis on the 2015 Presidential elections won by the opposition All Progressive Congress’ (APC) candidate, General Mohammadu Buhari. The processes leading to the 2015 general elections; its results and reactions to the results and the electoral process are reviewed from the political marketing perspective. Survey, observation and review of relevant literature formed the body of data for the study. The study submits that market-oriented strategy is starting to evolve in Nigeria and also that the country has reached a critical juncture in her democratic journey and she cannot afford to slide back.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 104-135
Author(s):  
L. Novoselova

In this article, an attempt is made to determine the legal status of the human body (organs and tissue) both while a person is alive and after a person dies. The article discusses the points of view of various authors in relation to the possibility of considering the human body, its organs and tissue, after their separation from the body, as objects of a person’s property rights, and also as an object of a person’s non-property rights. The article argues the impossibility of qualifying the human body and the organs that were not separated from it during life as parts – and perhaps critical parts – of the existence of the total human being, as objects of real (property) rights including the rights of the persons themselves. The human body as a single object is a personal non-property benefit. The organs and tissue separated from the body may be considered objects of real rights, but on several conditions: if they were indeed separated from the body and if the person gave permission for this in a will. The specific characteristics of the legal status of the separated organs and tissue of a human being are analyzed as things (possessions) with limited turnover. The specific characteristics of the legal status of the organs and tissue separated from the body as possessions in limited turnover are reviewed as well as the impact of personal non-property rights on this status. The main focus of the article is on the legal status of the human body and the organs separated from it after death in view of the fact that transplantology and postmortem organ donation are becoming more and more widespread. This issue is analyzed in terms of the body as a whole and as it applies to the organs and tissue that are not used for transplantation. The proposal is to base our analysis on the status of the human body after death which as a rule cannot be the object of property rights. The human body is disposed of within the framework of the protection of the personal non-property rights of the deceased, including the right of physical inviolability that covers the organs and tissue separated from the body. The article characterizes the legal nature of living wills when people give instructions as to the procedure of their burial and other means of handling their body, including donation of their bodies to science. The article examines the possibility of the right of ownership to organs and tissue separated from the body after death. This right can exist if a complex legal construct is present, including a direct or assumed living will of the person. The specific characteristics of living acts concerning the possibility of after-death organ and tissue harvesting for further use, including for transplantation purposes, and the differences between such acts and last wills are determined.


Author(s):  
Ido Katri

Sex reclassification is a core issue of gender nonconforming legal engagements. Access to proper identification documents for trans and nonbinary people relates to lower levels of exposure to anti-trans violence, discrimination, and suicidality. In the first decades of the 21st century, the majority of global jurisdictions have seen some kind of reform with respect to sex reclassification. Nonbinary classifications, such as the X marker, are also becoming available for those who wish not to be classified as either M or F. Across the globe, five major policy streams can be found: total ban on reclassification, that is, having no law or policy in place that allows for reclassification; reproduction-related prerequisite, that is, requiring applicants to undergo sterilization or genital-related surgery; other medical intervention-based schemes, that is, requiring applicants to provide proof that they have modified their body using some kind of gender-related medical technology; corroboration requirements, that is, requiring that a third party, usually a medical professional, corroborates the identity of the applicant; and the emerging “gold standard,” gender self-determination, that is, laws and policies requiring only an expression of a desire or need to be reclassified. These streams of policy provide varying levels of access to proper identification documents and place different burdens on applicants, some requiring bodily modifications while others rely on autonomous will. Yet all these policies still demand an alignment between the internal truth of the body and external facts, resonating with the logic of birth assignment of sex itself—that is, the idea that the allocation of differentiated legal status of M or F reflects an immutable truth about legal subjects. Current laws and policies fail to address harms caused to gender nonconforming people by state mechanisms themselves. They only provide remedies ex post facto. In the early 21st century, all countries assign a differentiated legal status of either M or F at birth based solely, in almost all cases, on external genitals of newborns. This differentiated legal status is recorded on the birth certificate and becomes a part of one’s legal identity for life. This allocation of status reflects the idea that external genitals of newborns are proof of their owners’ future roles as men or women, that is, an idea that there is a pre-legal alignment between certain bodily configurations, social role, and gender performance. This mundane administrative mechanism not only justifies different treatment for men and women but also marks trans and nonbinary people as others. In order to better address the harm caused by systems of gendered distribution of resources and opportunities, there is a need to go beyond sex reclassification to question birth assignment itself.


1976 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 216-248
Author(s):  
Marija Matich Hughes

As the social and economic position of women changes, their legal status changes commensurately. Among the rights feminist women seek are the franchise; equal access to education; equal access to jobs yielding equal pay; subsidized nurseries; personal control of the body and its corollary, the availability of birth control and abortion; taxation without regard to marital status; and control of their property. Not all these desiderata are yet available in even the most advanced or enlightened state, although considerable progress is being made in some. In the United States of America, to illustrate, the most significant change in recent years has been in the job market, where many employers are now required by Federal law to set numerical goals for hiring women to fill traditionally male jobs as they become vacant. In many States, women are now permitted to work more than eight hours a day, they can no longer be restricted by weight-lifting laws, and where such laws exist they must be equally applicable to women. American women have a limited right to abortion, birth control is legally available, credit is opening to women as a result of the (nation-wide) Equal Credit Opportunity Act, airline stewardesses are permitted to work after they are married, pregnant women are not arbitrarily required to leave their place of employment, newspaper “classified” (job market) advertizing is no longer segregated by sex, and some progress has been made in the admission of women to traditionally male schools, Court award of child custody to fathers is becoming more common, as is a joint custody.


2004 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-45
Author(s):  
Václav Bůžek

AbstractIn Bohemia and Moravia, a religious dualism prevailed following the Hussite revolution and the Compactata of 1436. Although the Compactata were abolished by the pope in 1462, the treaty of Kuttenberg guaranteed a right to individual choice in religion, something the nobility viewed as a crucial privilege. But such choice became a victim of a growing re-Catholicization in the sixteenth century. Although Catholic nobles were a minority in Bohemia and Moravia, they were better organized and supported the Habsburgs and the Council of Trent. Their efforts succeeded in contriving a situation in which non-Catholic nobles were tolerated, but excluded from serving in high state offices. Non-Catholic nobles, starting in the 1570s, attempted to organize themselves, and drew up the Confessio Bohemica, which would have given them control over education, church administration, church courts, and censorship. Although the Confessio never achieved legal status, Calvinist noblemen used the dynastic crises of the Habsburgs during the years 1608-11 to further their agenda. A charter, ratified in 1609, gave them control over the lower consistory courts, Charles University, and a body of Defensors who oversaw the preservation of religious liberties. They thereby established a "state within a state," and unavoidably set themselves up for later conflict with the Habsburgs. After their defeat at the battle of the White Mountain, a revised constitution (1627 in Bohemia, 1628 in Moravia) ended religious toleration by outlawing non-Catholic worship, and paving the way to a later absolutism.


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