The New Order

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bradley
Keyword(s):  
Structural Changes ◽  
Women's Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Social Standing ◽  
Women’S Work ◽  
The People ◽  
Straight Line ◽  
Circular Structures ◽  
The Right

How would someone who had been brought up in a roundhouse adapt to life in a rectangular world? The experience of a servant working for a family in Malawi shows how difficult it could be. Her predicament is described in a book entitled Women’s Work in Heathen Lands, published in 1886. Jan Deregowski quotes the following extract:… In laying the table there is trouble for the girl. At home her house is round; a straight line and the right angle are unknown to her or her parents before her. Day after day therefore she will lay the cloth with the folds anything but parallel with one edge of the table. Plates, knives and forks are set down in a confusing manner, and it is only after lessons often repeated and much annoyance that she begins to see how things might be done (Laws 1886, quoted by Deregowski 1973: 180–1)… That simple story introduces a larger issue. Under what circumstances did people make the transition from a world of circular structures to one of squares and rectangles, and how were their lives affected by that process? It is surprising how much attention had been paid to structural changes among ancient buildings and how little to the political and social circumstances in which they happened. One way of approaching this topic is not only studying the advantages offered by new styles of architecture, but also asking which important features might be lost. That is too rarely considered. Many of the approaches described in Chapter 2 emphasized the possibilities offered by the change from circular to rectangular buildings. Houses could be larger and could accommodate more people; they would be easier to maintain; they could be expanded as the number of inhabitants increased and space was subdivided; in many cases rectilinear dwellings could be inhabited over longer periods than roundhouses. None of those arguments is unsatisfactory in itself, but all are incomplete because they do not take into account the motives of the people who chose to live there. Chapter 2 also showed how houses could be used to emphasize subtle distinctions among their inhabitants: differences that were based on age, gender, and social standing.

La recherche appliquée: le cas du « Katholiek Sociaal Kerkelijk Instituut (KASKI) » aux Pays-Bas

1971 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Holl ◽  
Hyacinthe Crépin
Keyword(s):  
Professional Competence ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The People ◽  
Pastoral Planning ◽  
Senior Research ◽  
The Right

Following Vatican II changes are rapidly taking place within Dutch Catholicism — the bishops no longer make decisions in an authoritarian way: religious practice is de clining ; priests and religious are decreasing in numbers and many religious and pastoral experiments have come into being. KASKI has the responsibility of keeping pace with the Church during this process of change. In order to do this it makes use of several modes of work — the production of statistics relating to the position of religion in Society, the planning of religious and pastoral institutions and the study of new forms of the religious life in orders and congregations. For the first task it has used the same instruments for twenty- five years and the censuses thus produced yield valuable infor mation. As far as pastoral planning is concerned, it works in the field, playing the role of catalyst for those who have to make decisions and the people who have to carry out these decisions. This was the case, for instance, in the pastoral planning of the town of Eindhoven. Finally, when dealing with the new forms of communal religious life it adopts the method of studying through participation so that two of its researchers working in this sector are themselves members of religious groups. Applied research poses important problems, both from the methodological and from the political points of view. Amongst them may be noted the difficulty of determining precisely what constitutes rapid change in religious life, and the political choice of the persons for whom the research is being con ducted; the latter inevitably imposes a certain degree of conformity upon the perspectives of the work. (For example, the choice of the Dutch hierarchy which was to follow the general lines given by a large majority of Catholic opinion when it was tested particularly on questions like the liturgical and parochial changes). The fact, also, that the director of KASKI himself has a personal commitment to what may be described as the « right of centre » position in Dutch Catho licism poses problems for the work of the Institute. Political and religious radicalism is not a strong characteristic of the more senior research workers. KASKI is a rare example of a centre which brings socio logists together and uses their professional competence to accompany change in religious institutions.

The Case for Repealing the Second Amendment? The Historical Barriers to Constitutional Change

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 595-607
Author(s):  
David T. Konig
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Second Amendment ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Popular Constitutionalism

The controversy surrounding the Second Amendment—“the right of the people to keep and bear arms”—is, to a large extent, historical in nature, redolent of other matters in this country’s legal and constitutional past. But the historical analogies that might support the Amendment’s repeal do not permit easy conclusions. The issue demands that legal historians venture beyond familiar territory to confront unavoidable problems at the intersection of theory and practice and of constitutional law and popular constitutionalism. An interdisciplinary analysis of Lichtman’s Repeal the Second Amendment illuminates the political, legal, and constitutional dimensions—as well as the perils—of undertaking the arduous amending process permitted by Article V of the U.S. Constitution.

The German Elections of 1928

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
City Councils ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Modern Methods ◽  
Political Consolidation ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
The Right ◽  
Intensive Work

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.

The Missionary as an Anthropological Field-Worker

Africa ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diedrich Westermann
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
Inner Life ◽  
Field Worker ◽  
The People ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Opening Paragraph ◽  
The Right

Opening ParagraphThe following remarks are not addressed to specialists, but to those Europeans and Africans working in Africa who have for professional reasons an interest in getting to know the native better and, if possible, in making this knowledge available to a wider circle. This applies pre-eminently to missionaries. They, more than any other body of men, have an interest in studying the people among whom they work. It is their aim to transform the inner life of the tribe and of the individual. They are co-operating in creating a new religious, moral, and often social order. Only those who know the traditional environment of the native have the opportunity and the right of effecting such a transformation, as they are thus in a position to forge links between the old and the new, and in consequence will make the new ideas develop naturally from the old ways of thought. Old traditions must not be pushed on one side and ignored, on the contrary they should be carefully studied to see if there is not embedded in them something that can be incorporated in the new order, or something that has to be transformed.

scholarly journals Politics and Political Participation of “Grass-Roots” in General Election 2019, Bandar Selamat Regency, Medan, Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Two Stages

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.

scholarly journals STRATEGY OF THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN MODEL

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Andiwi Meifilina ◽  
Sulistyo Anjarwati
Keyword(s):  
Life Experiences ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
The Public ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The People ◽  
Strategy Model ◽  
The Right

The problems faced when approaching the election are many, one of which is the problem related to how to lobby politics to the public to use their voting rights so that they do not abstain. This problem that is often encountered can be solved by implementing the right political campaign model strategy. The strategy in political campaigns is a careful plan for activities to achieve specific goals where the activities carried out are carried out by political organizations or competing candidates to compete for positions in parliament in order to get the support of the mass of voters (voters) in voting. In line with Law No. 10 of 2008 concerning elections for members of the DPR, DPD and DPRD loaded with 30 percent quota for women in article 53, coupled with article 8 paragraph 1 mentioned regarding statements of at least 30 percent quota of women's representation in central party political party management as one of the requirements political parties to be able to become participants in the election. The purpose of this study was to find out in depth about the strategy of the political campaign model of female candidates in Blitar Regency as a method used by legislative candidates to attract their voters. This way of lobbying politics to the community has the aim of introducing candidates to the public through political campaigns that bring up the positive image of legislative candidates by involving the community. One way in which legislative candidates take to attract attention and get votes from various communities is starting from giving promises when campaigning. The subject of this research is that all the people and female candidates in Blitar Regency and the object of their research are the political campaign model strategies in Blitar Regency. The type of research used is qualitative research using the phenomenology approach. The phenomenology approach aims to describe the meaning of life experiences experienced by some individuals about certain concepts or phenomena by exploring the structure of human consciousness. So here the researcher wants to know the meaning of the experience experienced by the community and female candidates related to the political campaign model strategy through this phenomenology study. This research method uses a qualitative approach with interviews, observation, and documentation studies. This research produced a strategy model for political campaigns related to the phenomenon of female candidates in Blitar District.  

scholarly journals One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Retrogression of Governance Reform and Anti-corruption Measure in Indonesia 1999–2001

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Vishnu Juwono
Keyword(s):  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Judicial Reform ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Governance Reform ◽  
The People ◽  
One Step ◽  
First Time ◽  
Governance Reforms

There were high hopes that Gus Dur, after being appointed by the People Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 1999, would bring significant governance reform and more progressive anti-corruption measures for the first time because two top leaders (Gus Dur and Megawati) were from the opposition in the New Order era. This paper attempts to evaluate the governance reform and anti-corruption measures in 1999–2001. This paper argues that there was a valuable opportunity to push for further governance reforms and a bolder anti-corruption drive, as there was a legitimate political top leadership stemming from the free-and-fair election in 1999 embodied in the appointment of Gus Dur and Megawati Soekarnoputri as president and vice president, respectively, by the Consultative People Assembly (MPR). However, the political bickering and blatant competition over state resources for the election campaign in 2004 underlying Indonesia’s former government led to a setback in several governance reform areas, including judicial reform.

Gender, poverty and the development of the right to social security

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 460-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Goldblatt
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
International Law ◽  
Women's Work ◽  
Limited Attention ◽  
Gender Perspective ◽  
Women’S Work ◽  
Substantive Equality ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe international right to social security has been given limited attention as a vehicle for addressing women's poverty. This paper highlights some of the issues shaping women's poverty globally that require a more responsive right to social security. It discusses the nature and purpose of social security and examines the international law relating to this right, arguing that recent interpretations lack an adequate framework for ensuring women's interests are fully accommodated. The paper challenges the relationship between the right to social security and traditional conceptions of work that exclude women's labour. It also argues that the right must have application at the transnational level if it is to address the changing nature of women's work. Drawing on ideas of substantive equality, it proposes an approach to the development of the right from a gender perspective including a set of principles to be followed in applying the right.

Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross Harrison
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Special Person ◽  
Full Discussion ◽  
The Right ◽  
Democratic Procedure ◽  
Equal Power ◽  
Voting Mechanism

Democracy means rule by the people, as contrasted with rule by a special person or group. It is a system of decision making in which everyone who belongs to the political organism making the decision is actually or potentially involved. They all have equal power. There have been competing conceptions about what this involves. On one conception this means that everyone should participate in making the decision themselves, which should emerge from a full discussion. On another conception, it means that everyone should be able to vote between proposals or for representatives who will be entrusted with making the decision; the proposal or representative with most votes wins. Philosophical problems connected with democracy relate both to its nature and its value. It might seem obvious that democracy has value because it promotes liberty and equality. As compared with, for example, dictatorship, everyone has equal political power and is free from control by a special individual or group. However, at least on the voting conception of democracy, it is the majority who have the control. This means that the minority may not be thought to be treated equally; and they lack liberty in the sense that they are controlled by the majority. Another objection to democracy is that, by counting everyone’s opinions as of equal value, it considers the ignorant as being as important as the knowledgeable, and so does not result in properly informed decisions. However, voting may in certain circumstances be the right way of achieving knowledge. Pooling opinions may lead to better group judgement. These difficulties with democracy are alleviated by the model which concentrates on mutual discussion rather than people just feeding opinions into a voting mechanism. Opinions should in such circumstances be better formed; and individuals are more obviously equally respected. However, this depends upon them starting from positions of equal power and liberty; rather than being consequences of a democratic procedure, it would seem that equality and liberty are instead prerequisites which are needed in order for it to work properly.

10. Devolution in Scotland

2019 ◽  
pp. 270-295
Author(s):  
Aileen McHarg
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Historical Trajectory ◽  
The Right

Scotland’s devolved Parliament and Government were established in 1999 under the Scotland Act 1998. The current devolved arrangements build upon earlier institutional arrangements for the distinctive governance of Scotland, elements of which date back to the Union of 1707. By creating both a distinct legislature and separate institutions of political representation for Scotland, the 1999 reforms were nevertheless of profound constitutional significance. This chapter traces the development of devolved government in Scotland, arguing that the history of Scottish devolution is best understood as a response to nationalist sentiment: the assertion of the right of the people of Scotland to self-governance and self-determination. The historical trajectory has been one of increasing autonomy and constitutional recognition, and this pattern has continued since 1999 (culminating in an—unsuccessful—referendum in 2014 on the question whether Scotland should become wholly independent of the United Kingdom). However, despite the extensive powers enjoyed by, and the political importance of, the Scottish Parliament and Government, the status of devolution within the United Kingdom constitution is ambiguous and contested. The chapter also explores the constitutional status of devolution across two dimensions: the juridical—i.e. how the powers of the Scottish Parliament and Government are understood and interpreted by the courts; and the political—how the devolved Scottish institutions relate to their counterparts at UK level. The chapter ends by exploring how the tensions between Scotland’s powerful political claims for constitutional recognition, yet weak legal protection, have played out in relation to Brexit, and may play out in future in a Scottish political context still dominated by the independence question.

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