scholarly journals One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Retrogression of Governance Reform and Anti-corruption Measure in Indonesia 1999–2001

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Vishnu Juwono

There were high hopes that Gus Dur, after being appointed by the People Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 1999, would bring significant governance reform and more progressive anti-corruption measures for the first time because two top leaders (Gus Dur and Megawati) were from the opposition in the New Order era. This paper attempts to evaluate the governance reform and anti-corruption measures in 1999–2001. This paper argues that there was a valuable opportunity to push for further governance reforms and a bolder anti-corruption drive, as there was a legitimate political top leadership stemming from the free-and-fair election in 1999 embodied in the appointment of Gus Dur and Megawati Soekarnoputri as president and vice president, respectively, by the Consultative People Assembly (MPR). However, the political bickering and blatant competition over state resources for the election campaign in 2004 underlying Indonesia’s former government led to a setback in several governance reform areas, including judicial reform.

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Anis Hidayati

Abstract: This article discusses about a Islamic political jurisprudence’s point of view againts campaign for president and vice president election. It is carried out based on Law No. 42 year 2008 concerning with the election of president and vice president. The general election campaign is a sovereign right of the people to produce democratic government based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (UUD) 1945. The implementation of the general election campaign has a positive effect that is beneficial for the candidates and for the publics to know the candidates they would choose to be a leader. In Islamic political jurisprudence’s perspective, the implementation of the general election campaign for president and vice president can realize the political rights of individuals associated with the right to nominate and the right to occupy a certain post. All of the people and citizens are entitled to gain a guarantee of their human rights (Hurriyah al-shakhsiyyah) before the law and government.Keywords: Campaign, general election, president, Islamic political jurisprudence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-67
Author(s):  
Orien Effendi

Euphoria of the Legislative Election, Presidential Election and Regional Head Election Simultaneously in Indonesia. Since the collapse of the New Order government in 1998, the enthusiasm of the Indonesian people in welcoming the atmosphere of the birth of the first democratic system by holding direct elections has been great. Through direct elections at that time began the election of the president and vice president elected by the people for the first time. The direct election by the people also applies to elections at the regional level which include the election of regional heads. Meanwhile, in the course of history, legislative elections have been held long before starting in 1955, so that it is recorded that legislative elections have been held 12 (twelve) times since they were held for the first time until their implementation in 2019. Along the way, the legislative, presidential and post-conflict local elections showed high enthusiasm in facing various challenges in each election period. So that the Indonesian people continue to learn from history and improve all deficiencies which then produce maturity in democracy. By reviewing the literature, this paper tries to review events related to the spirit or euphoria of the election.


Author(s):  
Asif M Asif M Shahan

In Bangladesh, two contrasting scenarios regarding the responsiveness of the bureaucrats working at the field level are present. Whereas some bureaucrats reach out to the people and respond to their demands, others remain unresponsive and unapproachable. So, why do the bureaucrats working at the grassroots, while performing under the same rules, same institutional context and reality, perform in two different ways while interacting with citizens? How can these two contradictory sets of understanding regarding bureaucratic responsiveness coexist in Bangladesh? This article attempts to unpack this puzzle by relying on a slightly modified version of historical institutionalism. Building on Bell’s model of ‘agent-centric institutional change’ and by using a modified version of Mahoney & Thelen’s framework of institutional change, it argues that dialectical interaction between agents (bureaucrats) and institutions (i.e., rules- both formal and informal, norms that affect the behavior of the agents) within the broader political setting can best explain the variation in behavioral pattern of the bureaucrats. The political context allows agents to exercise discretion in a specific manner in executing their roles and functions while being constrained by institutional rules and norms. The dialectical interaction between structure (political context), agent, and institution determines the current administrative reality, which has allowed the contradiction to emerge and sustain.


Author(s):  
Richard Bradley

How would someone who had been brought up in a roundhouse adapt to life in a rectangular world? The experience of a servant working for a family in Malawi shows how difficult it could be. Her predicament is described in a book entitled Women’s Work in Heathen Lands, published in 1886. Jan Deregowski quotes the following extract:… In laying the table there is trouble for the girl. At home her house is round; a straight line and the right angle are unknown to her or her parents before her. Day after day therefore she will lay the cloth with the folds anything but parallel with one edge of the table. Plates, knives and forks are set down in a confusing manner, and it is only after lessons often repeated and much annoyance that she begins to see how things might be done (Laws 1886, quoted by Deregowski 1973: 180–1)… That simple story introduces a larger issue. Under what circumstances did people make the transition from a world of circular structures to one of squares and rectangles, and how were their lives affected by that process? It is surprising how much attention had been paid to structural changes among ancient buildings and how little to the political and social circumstances in which they happened. One way of approaching this topic is not only studying the advantages offered by new styles of architecture, but also asking which important features might be lost. That is too rarely considered. Many of the approaches described in Chapter 2 emphasized the possibilities offered by the change from circular to rectangular buildings. Houses could be larger and could accommodate more people; they would be easier to maintain; they could be expanded as the number of inhabitants increased and space was subdivided; in many cases rectilinear dwellings could be inhabited over longer periods than roundhouses. None of those arguments is unsatisfactory in itself, but all are incomplete because they do not take into account the motives of the people who chose to live there. Chapter 2 also showed how houses could be used to emphasize subtle distinctions among their inhabitants: differences that were based on age, gender, and social standing.


Subject Anti-corruption efforts. Significance On September 30, Vice-President Felix Ulloa met a UN mission in San Salvador to discuss possible support for a new anti-corruption mission. Inspired by similar bodies in neighbouring Guatemala and Honduras, the International Commission against Corruption and Impunity in El Salvador (CICIES) is intended to scrutinise political malpractice and address public concerns surrounding the political elite. The announcement of its establishment last month by President Nayib Bukele came within the first 100 days of his term, meeting one of his election campaign pledges. Impacts The CICIES will probably have less autonomy than its Guatemalan and Honduran equivalents. The politicisation of anti-corruption debates threatens to hinder progress on the issue. Reducing corruption could weaken gangs’ influence over public institutions but will do little to ease violent crime.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 144-176
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar

Malacca is a state that has a mix of voters of 58 percent of voters are ethnic Malays. Malay voters in the state known for its rigid and fanatical supporters of UMNO makes the majority of Malays in the country contributed to a major victory for the BN/UMNO in the general election. The state is known for its legendary Hang Tuah with the slogan "Tak Melayu Hilang Di Dunia" has loyal voters who support UMNO is also a sacred Malay party since before independence. But since the 2008 general election, Chinese voters who originally also supported BN have turned to DAP and other opposition component parties. Urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese voters continue to be dominated by DAP and its allied opposition parties. The culmination of the 14th General Election (GE), 2018, finally the state fell to the opposition party pact, Pakatan Harapan (PH) with a slim majority with 15 DUNs won by PH compared to 13 DUNs controlled by BN. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the State of Melaka in Malaysian geopolitics in the pre-GE-14, GE-14, and post-GE-14. Based on the analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that PH's success in capturing the Melaka from BN is an amazing event and beyond the expectations of all parties. However, the political change was due to national issues and the determination to bring down BN by voters, especially the young or first-time voters. Although PH managed to capture the Melaka PH only won with a slim majority of only 2 DUNs. PH win in urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese and the BN/UMNO continues to excel in the rural areas and the majority ethnic Malays. Then when BERSATU left PH and formed the National Alliance (PN) together with BN/UMNO, PAS, GPS, and GBS which controlled the Federal Government in March 2020 then the Melaka State Government also fell from PH to PN led by BN as a result of the party jump by two BERSATU assemblymen, one PKR assemblyman and one DAP assemblyman made PN controls 17 DUN seats while PH only has 11 DUN seats left. Such is the science of politics, nothing is impossible and politics itself is dynamic, artistic, and sometimes difficult to anticipate. Therefore, all parties must accept the political decision of the people of Melaka and give the opportunity to the leadership of the State Government to carry out their responsibilities as rulers in this state to implement the manifesto or 'commitment' during the five years of their rule in this historic state.


Significance With an agenda increasingly influenced by Vice-President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (CFK), the objectives of judicial reform now appear limited to closing pending investigations against her and her family. Impacts CFK’s increasing influence in judicial policy will reinforce the view that Fernandez lacks the political power to advance his own agenda. The confrontational approach is increasing the influence of hardliners, which is ideologically damaging to other government priorities. Moves to reduce judicial independence will further undermine institutional dialogue between the Supreme Court and the executive.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
pp. 29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinne Crawford ◽  
Angela Jervis

Dr. Jill Biden, Vice President Joe Bidens wife, has been teaching in community colleges for the past 18 years. Dr. Biden believes that community colleges are uniquely American institutions where anyone who walks through the door is one step closer to realizing the American dream. This is an inspiring sentiment. However, of all the first time college students who enrolled in community college in 2003-2004, fewer than 36% earned a post-secondary credential within six years. In light of the low completion rate, one has to question whether community colleges are fulfilling their promise. In this article we will look at the recent demographics of community colleges, compare the role of community colleges to that of proprietary colleges in post secondary education and discuss promising research initiatives aimed at improving the community college system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302199914
Author(s):  
Jean-Thomas Martelli

This ethnographic account chronicles the journey of one of the largest anti-government protests since India’s independence. It examines the pivotal role of students—initially activists and then first-time participants—in crystallizing challenges to the ruling dispensation, not only by opposing it directly, but through subverting its way of claiming representation. More specifically, it is the strategic reuse of the pervasive anti-institutional and anti-elite discourse at the top—while replacing its majoritarianism with inclusiveness—that enabled protesters to disembody the populist modality of the current Indian Prime Minister. Protesters’ short-lived success was achieved through an enactment of the popular, embodied in a diffused fashion by faceless, peaceful and feminized protesting masses. The popular successfully appropriated the claim to be the people through invoking a ‘derivative’ nationalist repertoire in part shared by the government, emptying its anti-minorities subtext through appropriating floating signifiers of patriotic belonging such as the Indian constitution, the flag and the anthem. By engaging on how relatively small communities of politicized students used the campus ecology and its neighbouring spaces as territorial and ideational nodal points for the mobilization of less politicized cohorts, the article underlines their significance in the political articulation of dissent in contemporary Indian democracy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Cahyo Susilo

This research illustrated the historical event in Indonesia, especially in 1990s period. The study examined the development of People Democratic Party as one of the political parties in the New Order regime. This research-based on the author’s interest in the pro-democracy movement’s widespread in Indonesia, evidenced by the resistance movement of peoples, in this case, is the People Democratic Party. The study aimed to identify programs and strategies of the People Democratic Party to build a pro-democracy movement in the 1996-1999 period. The author used the historical method. People Democratic Party was one of the political party which develop at that time and had a political movement to subvert a New Order regime. People Democratic Party often referred to as a radical political party, because of the political program that confronted the New Order regime namely to eliminate the Indonesian National Armed ForcesDual function, to eliminate a five-pack of Political Act and Timor-Timur referendum. The impact, People Democratic Party regarded as a forbidden party and accused as the actor behind July 27th 1996 tragedy. After the tragedy, the People Democratic Party arose with people’s committees. The four elements of People Democratic Party namely (1) the urban poor, (2) workers, (3) youth people, (4) PDI-Megawati supporters. After 1998 Reformation, People Democratic Party declared as a legal party and has participated as a contestant of 1999 electoral. People Democratic Party argued that the Electoral system is a moment for campaigning political programs. Several thingsin the campaign was about amnesty for political prisoners, completion of Civil Rights violation cases, and people’s political rights.


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