Comparisons and Definitions

Author(s):  
Robert O. Paxton

Why did fascism succeed in some parts of Europe and not in others? This question places the topic squarely in the domain of comparative history. The development of fascism in Europe after 1919 presents a fruitful terrain for comparison. Every European nation, indeed all economically developed nations with some degree of political democracy, had some kind of fascist movement. At further stages of development, the outcomes were dramatically different. In Italy and Germany, fascist movements became major players and achieved power. In the most solidly established Western European democracies, such as Britain and Scandinavia, fascist movements remained marginal. In some cases, such as France and Belgium, they became conspicuous but could approach power only after foreign conquest. A number of authoritarian regimes, including Franco's Spain, Salazar's Portugal, Antonescu's Romania, Horthy's Hungary, imperial Japan, and Vargas's Brazil, borrowed some trappings from fascism but excluded fascist parties from real power.

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Iliya Shablinsky

The article is devoted to the possibility of changing power within regimes that are considered authoritarian (or hybrid). The practice of some such regimes shows that they still allow for a real and sometimes even regular change of power, without changing their character and, in fact, without allowing the real functioning of democratic institutions. Special attention is paid to the States formed in the space of the former USSR. It is noted that the post-Soviet authoritarian regimes can be separated into a separate subspecies. The article discusses the following options for transferring power under an authoritarian regime. It is possible: 1) as a consequence of contradictions within the ruling group and the involuntary departure of the former leader; or 2) through the execution by the members of the specified group of informal arrangements that can include both the actual transfer — the actual transfer of power to a new person, and an imaginary transfer — the appointment of the regime’s new head, who remains under the tight control of the former ruler, who retains real power. The role of constitutional norms limiting the President’s tenure to two terms is specifically considered. This restriction, in particular, was established in the constitutions of almost all post-Soviet States. But the relevant rules were either canceled (as in Belarus and Azerbaijan) or ignored (as, for example, in Uzbekistan). At the same time, similar rules have played a role in Mexico and China. Separately, the article deals with cases when political transfer is triggered by the work of completely democratic institutions, such as elections or referendums which for some reason are allowed by an authoritarian leader, and leads to real democratization. In particular, the author draws attention to the experience of Chile and Brazil.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Max Beloff

THE CRISIS OF THE EUROPEAN NATION-STATE IS OBVIOUSLY A subjective notion. Objectively it would mean a complete breakdown in the capacity of the state to provide the minimum assurances for individual and collective endeavour and a situation in which the choice was between total anarchy and external intervention. Such situations have been known in some states outside Europe; it was at the origin of the Congo crisis of 1960–61. No Western European state has been in this situation since the re-establishment of selfgovernment in West Germany. Even when there has been a challenge to a regime verging on the revolutionary as in France in 1958, the only question was what alternative force of order would emerge to enable the life of the French state to continue.


1943 ◽  
Vol 7 (03) ◽  
pp. 129-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Dvorník

The idea of expansion towards the East runs through the whole history of Germany like a scarlet thread, and often lends its successive phases a similarity of design and a certain consistency. The history of this expansion is one of the most fascinating epics in European history and it is the Germans themselves who started calling itDrang nach Osten, ranking the results of this drive among the greatest achievements of Germany's national past. Truth to tell, there is an audacity about thisDrang, a fierce and ominous dynamism that cannot be denied, for it created a new Germany from the Elbe to the Oder and beyond, deep into the Vistula region. No other Western European nation can boast such a feat, though in the East the Russians accomplished something similar, only on a vaster scale, when they spread out the old Russia from Kiev, Novgorod and Moscow towards the Volga, the Urals and the Siberian steppes as far as Vladivostok. It is, indeed, a dramatic and tragic turning-point in modern European history when these two nations, which developed their grandiose eastward expansion in their own independent spheres, come to a head-on crash in the present bloody and merciless struggle.


1972 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 83-93
Author(s):  
Gerald Schluter

The role played by agriculture in a developed urban-oriented economy such as the U.S. differs quite markedly from the heavy reliance upon agriculture which one observes in less developed nations. As an economy goes through the various stages of development, the contribution of agriculture to gross national product usually declines in relative importance. Concurrently, an increasingly complex marketing system for agricultural products develops. As transportation, trade, and other marketing services become increasingly specialized and prevalent, the interrelationships between agriculture and the rest of the economy become more numerous and increasingly complex.


Slavic Review ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 743-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip G. Roeder

From Prague to Ulan Bator, the decade since 1989 has witnessed a revolution both deep and broad. It was simultaneously a national revolution that created new nation-states, a political revolution that sundered the most fully institutionalized authoritarian regimes of the twentieth century, and an economic revolution that replaced administered systems of production and distribution with markets. Separate national, democratic, and capitalist revolutions that had rocked western European countries in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries swept almost in an instant across nine countries that quickly became twenty-eight.


Author(s):  
Helen Graham ◽  
Alejandro Quiroga

What Spain, Greece, and Portugal have in common in the twentieth century is the manner in which their internal processes of change – rural to urban, agrarian to industrial – were intervened in and inflected at crucial moments and with enduring effect by the force of international political agendas. By the 1960s, in all three countries, the fearful imaginaries of traditionalists still saw a disguised form of communism in the ‘godlessness’ of Americanisation, social liberalisation, and anti-puritanism. This article adopts a tripartite structure (1945: survival; 1970s: transition; after 1989: memory) in order to explore why, how, and with what consequences Southern European political establishments with clear Nazi links or empathies not only survived the collapse of Adolf Hitler's new order, but were also able to persist as dictatorial and authoritarian regimes into the 1970s. It then interrogates the nature of the subsequent transitions to parliamentary democracy, paying particular attention to the continuities. It is remarkable, even today, how few Western European or North American commentators understand the brutality beneath the burlesque of dictatorship in Southern Europe.


Author(s):  
Leslie Woodcock Tentler

For roughly two decades after 1945, Catholicism in the United States did indeed look exceptional when compared with most of Western Europe. Rates of mass attendance were high and an increasingly well-educated Catholic population gave strong voluntary support to institutional separatism. But by 1965, signs of what soon became an inexorable decline in religious observance and communal loyalty were evident. If American Catholics can no longer be regarded as ‘exceptional’ when compared with their Western European counterparts, however, they live in a national culture where religion still functions in ways not found in other developed nations. Why Catholic decline occurred in the United States and why, despite that decline, the religious contours of American life are still markedly distinctive are the twin subjects of this chapter.


Author(s):  
A. Mal'tsev

Since the second half of the XX century the majority of modern nations is confronted with the need to modernize their economies. The peripheral countries used different models of economic transformations at various stages of development. They regularly tried to radically reduce the levels of their backlog in technological and economic development from the developed nations. The economic modernization is limited to the period of transition from an agrarian society to an industrialized development. The author states that the modernization is not applicable to form a foundation of the post-industrialism which is characterized by emergence of the different economic laws.


1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 402-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduard Taborsky

Of all the countries that have so far fallen under the rule of communism, Czechoslovakia is undoubtedly the one whose prewar system of government and ways of life and traditions approximated most nearly those of a typical Western European nation. This is particularly true of the administration of justice. Thus Czechoslovakia furnishes an ideal setting for a case study of the impact of the Marxist-Leninist conception of the administration of justice on a previously Western-oriented community.


1965 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morris Janowitz

The professional armed forces of Western European nation-states developed out of feudal forms through a process of “institutional differentiation”. By “institutional differentiation” is meant the bureaucratic transformation by which the armed forces emerged as a distinct organization fashioned by its own system of recruitment and training, by the accumulation of significant amounts of its own resources, and operating in terms of its specialized format and calculus.


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