Fiscal Crisis and Structural Change in the Late Ottoman Economy

Author(s):  
Murat Birdal

This chapter examines institutional change in the Ottoman economy with a focus on its financial crises and subsequent reform attempts. Traditional fiscal institutions functioned well until the late sixteenth century when the state introduced tax reforms and dismantled the traditional tımar system. In the nineteenth century, the administration sought solutions such as the debasement of the coinage and domestic borrowing to finance its deficits. In 1854, the government resorted to foreign borrowing and initiated reforms to improve its financial accounting to gain credibility in foreign markets. After twenty years of borrowing, the Porte defaulted in 1875, and in 1881 signed the Decree of Muharrem, which led to the establishment of the Ottoman Public Debt Administration (OPDA). The OPDA era saw unprecedented levels of foreign direct investment and played a pivotal role in the integration of the Ottoman Empire into the world economy.

2009 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-845 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eliana Balla ◽  
Noel D. Johnson

Why is it that some countries adopted growth enhancing institutions earlier than others during the early modern period? We address this question through a comparative study of the evolution of French and Ottoman fiscal institutions. During the sixteenth century, both countries made extensive use of tax farming to collect revenue, however, uncertain property rights caused by fiscal pressure led to different paths of institutional change in each state. In France, tax collectors successfully overcame the collective action costs of imposing constraint on the king. In the Ottoman Empire, tax collectors faced prohibitive transaction costs to organizing in a similar manner.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-193
Author(s):  
Andreas Kosmas Lyberatos

The paper tackles the issue of national politicization in late Ottoman Thrace through the case study of Stenimahos (İstanimaka, Stanimaka), a large mountainous village in Northern Thrace, whose Greek-speaking inhabitants initiated during the 1860s a long tradition of anti-Ottoman nationalist militancy and a close relation to independent Greece. The rapid national politicization and radicalization of the Stenimahiote Greeks was triggered by a severe reproduction crisis of the local economy in the context of mounting incorporation of the Ottoman empire into the world economy. Ensuing conflicts in local society were successively articulated into the unstable ‘post-Crimean war’ regional, imperial and international contexts. Last but not least, the analysis of the ‘amphibious’ emigration movement of the Stenimahiotes to Greece which followed the crisis reveals the agency of the non-elite subjects and challenges idealist and ‘top-bottom’ approaches to the process to nation formation in the late Ottoman Balkans.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5 (103)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Dmitry Zhantiev

The article examines the reasons and main manifestations of Islamic traditionalism as a stable system of views that dominated the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire in the last quarter of the 19th — early 20th centuries. Consideration of the main theses of the ideological heritage of Abu l-Huda al-Sayyadi, Salih al-Munayir, Yusuf al-Nabhani and their ideological supporters, as well as the socio-political ties between them, allows us to comprehend the strategies of Sultan Abdulhamid II to justify the sacred and lawful, from an Islamic point of view, the nature of the Sultan's power. The study makes it possible to assess the influence of Muslim traditionalist scholars of the late Ottoman period as the conductors of the government policy aimed at consolidating Muslims around the figure of the Ottoman Sultan-Caliph.


Author(s):  
Iris Agmon

This chapter employs the nexus of state and family as a lens for examining the question of anticorruption in the later Ottoman Empire. More specifically, the chapter focuses on how the government sought to prevent corruption in the department that handled property inherited by orphans—thereby shining a light on the involvement of the state in the private sphere of the family. While stressing the global nature of the modernization undergone by the Ottoman state in the nineteenth century, the author also demonstrates the unique features of a political culture that shaped these processes as well. On the one hand, she emphasizes how the reforms transformed the empire into a modern centralized state and that preventing corruption was a major issue on the reformers’ agenda; but, on the other hand, she claims that anticorruption measures were also an important matter in earlier periods, albeit embedded in different historical circumstances.


2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 577-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faika Çelik

Abstract Historians of the Ottoman Empire have up until now written extensively not only on the polyethnic and multireligious nature of the Ottoman Empire, but also on the specific ethnic and religious groups that made up this plurality. Yet, although the Gypsies were a part of this pluralistic society, they have not received sufficient critical attention from Ottomanists whether in Turkey or abroad. While a few important studies have recently been published on the Ottoman Gypsies, this scholarship, though indeed very useful as a guide to the rich materials available on the subject, are weakened by two competing arguments. The first of these arguments is that the Gypsies of the Ottoman Balkans provide a salient example of a group marginalized through stigmatization, segregation and exclusion, whereas the second maintains that Gypsies were benignly tolerated by the Ottoman state. These analyses however fail to take into account that the legal, social and economic status of the Roma people in the Ottoman Empire seems to have been, at different times and in different places, much more complicated than simple marginalization or toleration. The question in fact needs to be problematized through a consideration of regional, local and temporal differences. My previous readings of the kanunnames and the mühimme registers of the second half of the sixteenth century substantiate this view and demonstrate that the marginality of the Gypsies in the Ottoman Balkans in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was neither absolute and unchanging nor inflexible and complete. The interaction of the Gypsies both with the state and with Ottoman society at large was both hostile and symbiotic. Thus, the purpose of this study is to delve further into this topic and analyze how the Ottoman Imperial state dealt with what I call “community in motion” at various levels in the late nineteenth century. Through close reading of a layiha (memorandum) written by Muallim Sa’di Efendi, a college professor in the city of Siroz (Serres) in communication with other archival sources located in Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi in Istanbul, the paper attempts not only to understand the ways and techniques through which the late Ottoman state produced and governed the Empire’s subjects but also to show how Gypsies interacted with and were received by the local population in Serres, including Muslims and Orthodox Christians. My argument is that during the sixteenth century, the imperial state adopts residential and religious mobility of the Gypsies, albeit with certain restrictions. Yet, by the late nineteenth century, one of the most significant concerns of the late Ottoman state was to “reform” (ıslah) the Gypsies. Constants attempts were being made to deconstruct, normalize and eliminate differences of Gypsies, for instance, appointing imams to the Gypsy neighborhoods to “correct” their faith or opening new schools to “save” them from ignorance and poverty that lived in.


HISTOREIN ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Vangelis Kechriotis

In Ottoman studies, it is only in the last decade that colonialism has been considered a useful analytical category. This may be partly due to the fact that, in the 1970s and 80s, especially in approaches which drew on the dependency theory and the integration of the Ottoman Empire into the world economy, the latter was studied as one of those regions which was never effectively colonised.  However, recently postcolonial studies have attracted the interest of nineteenth-century historians who have reversed the argument and tend to include the Ottoman Empire not among the states that were subject to colonisation but among the colonisers. However, the focus remains on power relations among Muslims. This article offers a critical overview of this literature. It also suggests possible ways for a similar analytical category to be used for Muslim-Christian relations as well.


1991 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Suraiya Faroqhi

It is customary to say that the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century prosperity of the Ottoman Empire was derived from its control of international trade routes leading toward Europe. From this perspective, the closing years of the sixteenth century are regarded as a turning point. When English merchants entered the Mediterranean and the Dutch established a monopoly over the Moluccan spice trade, the Ottoman state lost its dominant role in world commerce, particularly since Ottoman merchants rarely left the Sultan's domain, and therefore did not control the sources of their trade goods. Loss of customs revenue contributed to fiscal crisis, which in turn led to political turmoil as overtaxed peasants fled their villages (Lewis, 1968, p. 27 ff.). In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (or so it is claimed), world trade would have bypassed the Ottoman Empire entirely if it hadn't been for the transit trade in Iranian silk which continued into the 1730s, and a limited exportation of local grains and cottons, which did not become really significant until the high prices of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. From 1815 onward, the Ottoman Empire increasingly entered the orbit of industrializing Europe as a market for manufactured goods and a source of raw materials, and this state of affairs was made “official” by the signing of the Anglo-Ottoman convention of 1838.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-97
Author(s):  
Wartoyo Wartoyo

Tax is a fiscal instrument in macroeconomic theory that can be used by the government to make funding (budgetary function) and regulation (regurelend function) in overcoming economic turmoil that always occurs in a country. The taxation system in Indonesia continues to change to adjust to the conditions and economic trends that occur in the world, so it is not surprising that there have been several tax reforms, including the birth of the Final PPH policy, Sunset Policy and Tax Amnesty. The goal is nothing but to adjust the needs of the rules to the real conditions that occur in the world economy and also in society so that state revenues from the tax sector can be fulfilled and in accordance with the targets mandated by the APBN. In Islamic economics itself tax is not something foreign, because it has been practiced since the beginning of Islamic rule where there were various kinds of taxes applied such as zakat, kharaj, khums, jizyah and so on. in the dialectic of taxes and alms there are two thoughts that arise, first is that which punishes taxes as zakat and second is that which still distinguishes the two. This difference has basically found a meeting point with the integration of zakat as a tax deduction that can be accepted by all levels of society in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Taner Akçam

Introducing new evidence from more than 600 secret Ottoman documents, this book demonstrates in detail that the Armenian Genocide and the expulsion of Greeks from the late Ottoman Empire resulted from an official effort to rid the empire of its Christian subjects. This book goes deep inside the bureaucratic machinery of Ottoman Turkey to show how a dying empire embraced genocide and ethnic cleansing. Although the deportation and killing of Armenians was internationally condemned in 1915 as a “crime against humanity and civilization,” the Ottoman government initiated a policy of denial that is still maintained by the Turkish Republic. The case for Turkey's “official history” rests on documents from the Ottoman imperial archives, to which access has been heavily restricted until recently. It is this very source that the book now uses to overturn the official narrative. The documents presented here attest to a late-Ottoman policy of Turkification, the goal of which was no less than the radical demographic transformation of Anatolia. To that end, about one-third of Anatolia's 15 million people were displaced, deported, expelled, or massacred, destroying the ethno-religious diversity of an ancient cultural crossroads of East and West, and paving the way for the Turkish Republic. By uncovering the central roles played by demographic engineering and assimilation in the Armenian Genocide, this book will fundamentally change how this crime is understood and show that physical destruction is not the only aspect of the genocidal process.


Author(s):  
Anna Shapoval

Analysis of linguocultural aspect of temporal nominations is impossible without involving the problems of hrononymic lexics. Chrononyms is an important information resource of a certain linguaculture, some distinctive peculiarities of conceptual picture of the world. The aim of the experimental analysis is a complex examination of the linguacultural aspect of temporal nominations that function in Chinese and Turkish languages reflecting the concepts of the world. The research was based on the material of the novels “Imperial woman” by Pearl Buck and “Roxolana” by Pavlo Zagrebelniy. The analysis of recent scientific publications allowed us to come to the conclusion that the investigation of hrononymic lexics can involve different theoretical and practical principles. Being guided by the existing classifications of chrononyms (N. Podolskaya, M. Torchinsky, S. Remmer) the linguocultural features of the following types of temporal chrononymic lexical units were identified and studied in the research: georthonyms, dynastic chrononyms, tumultonyms, parsonyms and mensonyms. The results of the research demonstrate that not all lexical units of temporal denotation chosen from the above mentioned novels refer to the class of chrononyms. The group under investigation includes the following lexemes: nominations of the lunar calendar, nominations of the solar calendar, nominations of mixed calendar and temporal slots denoting day and night. The basic system of chronology in the linguiacultures under analysis is the dominance of the lunar calendar nominations (Chinese picture of the world — 51,0 %, Turkish — 40,4 %). In the analyzed works the nominations of the solar calendar are used less often in the Chinese picture of the world; the usage of this unit reaches 20 %, and this phenomenon is historically conditioned. Mixed calendar nominations (21 % of temporal units) are rather common, solar calendar nominations are refined by the monthly calendar; it can be explained by the fact that the Chinese mind is conservative towards the new temporal system. In the Turkish picture of the world 45 % of temporal vocabulary belongs to the solar calendar since in the sixteenth century only a lunar calendar operated in the Ottoman Empire. It should be mentioned that significant place in the temporal vocabulary of “Roxolana” is conditioned by the influence of the linguistic personality of the author, who was a Ukrainian.


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