scholarly journals White Christian Nationalism and Relative Political Tolerance for Racists

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua T Davis ◽  
Samuel L Perry
Keyword(s):  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Christian Identity ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
Relative Tolerance ◽  
Stigmatized Groups ◽  
Civic Belonging ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Prejudicial Attitudes ◽  
Christian Nationalism

Abstract Recent studies demonstrate that white Americans who adhere to “Christian nationalism”―an ideology that idealizes and advocates a fusion of Christianity and American civic life―tend to hold authoritarian, exclusionary, and overtly prejudicial attitudes, particularly regarding ethno-racial minorities. We use data from the 1996 and 2014 General Social Surveys and consider relative political tolerance toward old-fashioned racists (i.e., persons who believe black Americans are genetically inferior) compared to other historically stigmatized groups, including anti-religionists, communists, militarists, and homosexuals. Viewing Christian identity as essential to American civic belonging is among the strongest predictors of whites’ being politically intolerant of all stigmatized groups, racists included. However, when we examine relative tolerance toward racists compared to other stigmatized groups, white Christian nationalists show greater tolerance than other whites. This effect is distinct from personal religiosity which is associated with lower relative tolerance toward racists. Additionally, we find both time and gender moderate the association between white Christian nationalism and relative tolerance toward racists. Findings ultimately demonstrate that white Americans who adhere to Christian nationalism exhibit authoritarian tendencies―expressing lower tolerance for all groups considered―while making greater relative allowance for old-fashioned racists, who may be allies in the task of social control and coercion.

scholarly journals White Christian Nationalism and Relative Political Tolerance for Racists

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Davis ◽  
Samuel Perry
Keyword(s):  
Political Tolerance ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
The Public ◽  
Relative Tolerance ◽  
Stigmatized Groups ◽  
Civic Belonging ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Prejudicial Attitudes ◽  
Christian Nationalism

Recent studies demonstrate that white Americans who adhere to “Christian nationalism”―an ideology that idealizes and advocates a fusion of Christianity and American civic life―tend to hold authoritarian, exclusionary, and overtly prejudicial attitudes, particularly regarding ethno-racial minorities. In light of the public resurgence of white nationalist sentiment coinciding with the Trump presidency, the current study shifts the focus from attitudes toward a target minority as the outcome to Christian nationalism’s association with whites’ attitudes toward “racists” themselves. We use data from the 1996 and 2014 General Social Surveys and consider relative political tolerance toward old-fashioned racists (i.e., persons who believe black Americans are genetically inferior) compared to other historically stigmatized groups, including anti-religionists, communists, militarists, and homosexuals. Viewing Christian identity as essential to American civic belonging is among the strongest predictors of whites’ being politically intolerant of all stigmatized groups, racists included. However, when we examine relative tolerance toward racists compared to other stigmatized groups, white Christian nationalists show greater tolerance than other whites. This effect is distinct from personal religiosity which is associated with lower relative tolerance toward racists. Additionally, we find both survey year and gender moderate the association between white Christian nationalism and relative tolerance toward racists. Findings ultimately demonstrate that white Americans who adhere to Christian nationalism exhibit authoritarian tendencies―expressing lower tolerance for all groups considered―while making greater relative allowance for old-fashioned racists, who may be allies in the task of social control and coercion.

Student Perceptions of Face-to-Face and Online Discussions: The Advantage Goes To . . .

2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrina A. Meyer
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Student Perceptions ◽  
Online Discussions ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Self Assessment ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The Face ◽  
Online Setting ◽  
And Gender

Thirteen students in a graduate-level course on Historical and Policy Perspectives in Higher Education held face-to-face and online discussions on five controversial topics: Diversity, Academic Freedom, Political Tolerance, Affirmative Action, and Gender. Students read materials on each topic and generated questions for discussion that were categorized by Bloom’s taxonomy so that the level of questions in the two discussion settings would be closely parallel. Upon completion of each discussion, they answered questions that addressed depth and length of the discussion, ability to remember, and a self-assessment of how the student learned. Students’ assessments show a consistent preference for the face-to-face discussion but a small number of students preferred the online setting. However, what is perhaps more interesting is a minority of approximately one-third of the students who perceived no difference between the settings, or that the two settings were perhaps complementary.

scholarly journals Asking about Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in Social Surveys in Japan: Findings from the Osaka City Residents’ Survey and Related Preparatory Studies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daiki Hiramori ◽  
Saori Kamano
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Orientation ◽  
Gender Identity ◽  
Population Based ◽  
Sexual And Gender Minorities ◽  
Step Method ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
Sexual Orientation Identity ◽  
Gender Minorities ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Definition Of

Most studies on the measurement of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) in representative surveys are conducted in Western countries. Whether the findings from these studies are applicable to countries with legal, religious, and cultural contexts regarding sexual and gender minorities distinct from Western societies is yet to be explored. To fill this gap, this paper summarizes the findings from focus groups and a pilot survey conducted to develop SOGI questions in the Japanese context. For sexual orientation identity, a six-category question that includes definition of each category, and for transgender status, a three-step method, are suggested for general use. The paper also reports on percentage distributions of SOGI by assigned sex at birth and by age group based on the Osaka City Residents' Survey, one of the first population-based surveys in Japan with SOGI questions. Overall, our findings illustrate the significance of examining the measurement of SOGI beyond Western societies.

What happens to young people who move to another country to find work?

2018 ◽  
pp. 389-418
Author(s):  
Mehtap Akgüç ◽  
Miroslav Beblavý
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Market Integration ◽  
Labor Market Outcomes ◽  
Individual Characteristics ◽  
Market Outcomes ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
Work Related ◽  
Migrant Youth ◽  
Contract Type ◽  
And Gender

This chapter analyzes the labor market integration of South–North and East–West migrants, together with intra-European and non-European Union migrants, vis-à-vis native peers in main European destinations. The analysis considers individual characteristics and labor market outcomes by migrant origins. Labor market outcomes are estimated, controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and for country-fixed and year effects. Using interaction effects, the chapter estimates whether the work-related outcomes of young migrants differ vis-à-vis native peers. The econometric analysis using pooled European Social Surveys (2002–2015) suggests that individual characteristics explain part of the migrant–native peer differences. Particularly, migrants from Eastern and Southern Europe exhibit important gaps vis-à-vis native peers regarding unemployment, contract type, and overqualification. Overall, migrant youth and women seem to be in vulnerable situations in destination labor markets. In addition to nondiscriminatory treatment, transparent competence screening and smooth skills transferability could alleviate such youth and gender vulnerabilities.

scholarly journals Infectious Disease Prevalence, Not Race Exposure, Predicts Both Implicit and Explicit Racial Prejudice Across the United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian A. O’Shea ◽  
Derrick G. Watson ◽  
Gordon D. A. Brown ◽  
Corey L. Fincher
Keyword(s):  
Infectious Disease ◽  
United States ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Prejudice ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Disease Rates ◽  
Prejudicial Attitudes ◽  
Implicit And Explicit

What factors increase racial prejudice? Across the United States, increased exposure to Black Americans has been hypothesized to increase White Americans’ prejudicial attitudes toward Black Americans. Here we test an alternative explanation: People living in regions with higher infectious disease rates have a greater tendency to avoid out-groups because such avoidance reduces their perceived likelihood of contracting illnesses. Consistent with this parasite-stress hypothesis, we show that both White and Black individuals ( N > 77,000) living in U.S. states in which disease rates are higher display increased implicit (automatic) and explicit (conscious) racial prejudice. These results survived the inclusion of several individual- and state-level controls previously used to explain variability in prejudice. Furthermore, showing disease-related primes to White individuals with strong germ aversion increased their explicit, but not implicit, anti-Black/pro-White prejudice. Domestic out-groups, not just foreigners, may therefore experience increased overt forms of prejudice when disease rates are high.

Exploring Prospective Predictors of Completed Suicides

Crisis ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 233-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Feigelman ◽  
Zohn Rosen ◽  
Bernard S. Gorman
Keyword(s):  
Logistic Regression ◽  
Suicide Risk ◽  
Assessment Tool ◽  
Regression Analyses ◽  
Chi Square ◽  
Age And Gender ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
Completed Suicide ◽  
Life Circumstances ◽  
And Gender

Background: This study was based on over 30,000 respondents who completed General Social Surveys between 1978 and 2002. Aims: We approached these respondents prospectively, comparing and contrasting the responses of those who subsequently died by suicide (N = 141) with those who died from all other causes (N = 9,115). Method: We employed chi-square and logistic regression analyses of important demographic confounders to test for statistically significant differences between suicide decedents and all other decedents. Results: Suicide decedents died on average 2 years sooner than all other decedents. When covariates of age and gender were applied, suicide decedents exhibited greater acceptance of suicide for dealing with various adverse life circumstances, were more likely to have been the gun owners in their households, lived in regions where gun ownership was more commonplace, and held less strong religious beliefs and less of a belief of an afterlife. Conclusion: The observed affinity between attitudes of suicide acceptability and completed suicide suggests a potential for creating a meaningful assessment tool to identify those positioned at the extreme end of the suicide risk continuum.

Religious Nationalism and Perceptions of Muslims and Islam

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allyson F. Shortle ◽  
Ronald Keith Gaddie
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Robust Regression ◽  
Christian Identity ◽  
Religious Nationalism ◽  
Evangelical Christian ◽  
Biblical Literalism ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Christian Nationalism

AbstractWe test for relationships between anti-Muslim attitudes and opinion and competing religious identity and religious belief variables in an evangelical Christian constituency. Original survey data from a statewide sample of 508 likely voters in Oklahoma are subjected to a robust regression analysis to determine (1) indicators of holding Christian nationalist beliefs and (2) the relationship between belief measures of Christian nationalism, evangelical Christian identity, and subsequent anti-Muslim sentiment. Christian nationalism is more prevalent among self-identified evangelicals. Christian nationalist beliefs and strong belief in Biblical literalism are significantly related to negative and restrictive views of Muslims. Anti-Muslim sentiments in the form of general disapproval and the desire to limit Muslim worship are shaped more by beliefs than identities or behaviors. Evangelical self-identification does not help us disentangle domestic opinion regarding Muslims as well as measures that disentangle beliefs from identity.

scholarly journals Race and Gender as Cues for Blacks and Whites: A Survey-Based Experiment

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 275-286
Author(s):  
Susan E. Howell
Keyword(s):  
White Male ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Blacks And Whites ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Impact

This research compares the impact of party, race, and gender cues and their interactions in a population of white Americans and a population of black Americans. An experiment embedded in a survey measures the effects of these cues on inferences made about the policy positions of a fictitious legislator. The cues of party and race have greater impact among whites, but the cue of gender has greater impact among blacks. Other findings indicate that blacks view Republican white male officials as particularly conservative and that female officials moderate the respondents’ tendency to attribute liberalism or conservatism on the basis of race and party cues.

scholarly journals STUDENT PERCEPTIONS OF FACE-TO-FACE AND ONLINE DISCUSSIONS: THE ADVANTAGE GOES TO . . .

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrina A. Meyer
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Student Perceptions ◽  
Online Discussions ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Self Assessment ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The Face ◽  
Online Setting ◽  
And Gender

Thirteen students in a graduate-level course on Historical and Policy Perspectives in Higher Education held face-to-face and online discussions on five controversial topics: Diversity, Academic Freedom, Political Tolerance, Affirmative Action, and Gender. Students read materials on each topic and generated questions for discussion that were categorized by Bloom’s taxonomy so that the level of questions in the two discussion settings would be closely parallel. Upon completion of each discussion, they answered questions that addressed depth and length of the discussion, ability to remember, and a self-assessment of how the student learned. Students’ assessments show a consistent preference for the face-to-face discussion but a small number of students preferred the online setting. However, what is perhaps more interesting is a minority of approximately one-third of the students who perceived no difference betweenthe settings, or that the two settings were perhaps complementary.

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