Belarus leader espouses patriotism to ensure survival

Subject Soft versus hard versions of nationalism in Belarus. Significance Under pressure from Moscow to make concessions on energy and political relations, President Alexander Lukashenka is trying to turn this to his advantage by presenting himself as the sole effective defender of Belarusian independence. The opposition is warning Lukashenka not to submit to Russian expansionism, making this a central issue for a presidential election due by August 30. Moscow may consider backing an alternative to Lukashenka, but pressing too hard might be counterproductive. Impacts A sudden economic downturn caused by oil supply problems could provoke apolitical and less controllable protests. Constitutional changes in Russia reduce the likelihood that Vladimir Putin wants to head a unified Russian-Belarusian state. Lukashenka will try to rally support from other Eurasian Economic Union leaders in his campaign for better trade terms with Russia. The president will use US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's visit and EU engagement as a partial balance against Russia.

Significance Officials are trying to correct high domestic prices which they see as unjustified, and to claw back what they regard as excessive profits earned by metals companies. Impacts Export duties could exert upward pressure on global prices of steel, nickel and aluminium. Exports to the Eurasian Economic Union are exempt, so the government will need a failsafe system to prevent re-exports to third countries. The export duties will reduce the corporate income tax earned by metal-producing regions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 748-769 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirgul Nizaeva ◽  
Ali Uyar

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to comparatively analyze the corporate governance codes of transition economies, particularly five Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) members (i.e. Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia). Specifically, the convergence or divergence of these countries’ corporate governance codes among themselves as well as relative to the best practices of the UK Corporate Governance Code (UK Code) and the OECD Principles of Corporate Governance are investigated. Design/methodology/approach Initially, the existing literature on corporate governance with special focus on transition countries is reviewed. Afterwards, benchmarking the international best practices, based on main chapters and contents, the corporate governance codes of all countries in the sample are analyzed. Findings The paper finds that even though some principles of the corporate governance codes of the countries in the sample differ in some aspects, they do converge to some extent. However, high misalignments between the UK Code and the OECD Principles and the codes of selected countries in some aspects were found. Research limitations/implications The conclusion and implications of the study characterize the corporate governance of selected developing countries; thus, they might not be generalizable to other countries. Practical implications The codes of the countries in the sample should be revised, and more specifications regarding the stakeholder, board structure, its subcommittees, independence, diversity and transparency issues need to be addressed. Originality/value The paper comprehensively analyzes the contents of corporate governance codes of transition countries; from both practical and academic point of view, it was important gap that needed to be fulfilled.


Subject Prospects for Russia/CIS in the third quarter. Significance The third quarter could see a significant worsening of Russia's ties with the West. With the Donbas crisis threatening to erupt into open war as in 2014 and early 2015, the Minsk 2.0 process is strained to breaking-point. Recent months have seen the gradual deterioration of the February peace plan, with heavier skirmishing culminating in the recent battle for Maryinka. In Ukraine, the economic situation remains a major problem. In Central Asia, regional economies are suffering from Russia's slowdown, as some strengthen their integration with Russia as part of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).


Subject Outlook for the food and agriculture sectors. Significance Speaking in Astana in June, Kazakhstani President Nursultan Nazarbayev said the country's agricultural sector was expected to benefit from 16 billion dollars in foreign direct investment (FDI) by 2021. This is foreseen in the 'Agribusiness-2020' strategic programme, which was adopted in February 2013. Agriculture and food processing remain key areas of Kazakhstan's economy, the former having traditionally absorbed a large amount of state subsidies. However, their future looks uncertain in light of Kazakhstan's accession to the WTO and its membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Impacts Flooding the Kazakhstani market with cheap imports may lead to mass bankruptcies in domestic agri-business and spark social unrest. Corruption remains a serious obstacle to the efficient use of government-allocated funds to support agriculture and food processing. Investor interest in Kazakhstan's agriculture will remain limited because of internal constraints.


Subject Four European disintegration risks. Significance After the French presidential election, which saw the decisive victory of Emmanuel Macron over National Front leader Marine Le Pen, a sigh of relief could be heard in European capitals: the worse had been avoided; the EU would thrive again. This relief could be premature. At least four disintegration risks are still threatening the EU. Impacts Even though its economic prospects are positive, the euro-area remains fragile and could plunge back into chaos if left unreformed. An economic downturn would benefit Eurosceptic populist parties. The political uncertainty of a caretaker government in Germany will increase its officials' reluctance to agree to any euro-area reforms.


Significance The decision to hold the election on October 11, a month earlier than scheduled, may be intended to pre-empt employment and energy problems, both likely to worsen before year-end. Impacts A wave of arrests of opposition figures is likely ahead of the election, despite them posing no threat. Completion of the Roghun hydroelectric scheme, seen as the eventual solution to Tajikistan's energy shortages, is within sight. Despite economic problems, Rahmon still shows no inclination to join the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Skye C Cooley ◽  
Ethan C Stokes

This study aims to better understand how various Russian news outlets present stories pertaining to Russia’s recent economic downturn and future economic outlook. This study analysed over 1500 Russian broadcast TV and online news stories. Among its major findings are the following: (1) calls for Russia to diversify its economy by accelerating trade agreements and cooperation with Eurasian Economic Union and BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) nations, (2) presenting China as critical to Russia’s economic future, (3) presenting Russia’s economy as strong due to natural resources and (4) framing the United States negatively by calling for strategies to counter Western economic sanctions. Strategic and policy implications are discussed at length.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-42
Author(s):  
T. N. Litvinova

Introduction. The article overviews the place of Russia in the promotion and construction of the Greater Eurasian partnership. The idea of this partnership was proposed by President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin for the interfacing of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Chinese transport initiative “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR).Materials and methods. The study is based on the synthesis of the civilizational concept of Eurasianism and the theory of international integration. The work analyses official documents of EEU and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), declarations of their officials, screening mass media, trade and economic statistics.Results. The statistics show that EEU is gaining success, although at present its developed is slowing. Third countries still play a significant role in foreign trade and investments of EEU member states. China competes with Russia for the dominance in Central Asia. The interface of EEU and SCO integration processes, as well as the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road” should be developed in view of Russia’s interests.Discussion and conclusion. The Greater Eurasian partnership can be considered as component of a new world architecture underlied by the system of regional and interregional economic and integration groups. The post-Soviet countries of Eurasia are united by a common history, civilizational and cultural prerequisites for integration with the unifying role of Russia. No serious project on the continent can be implemented without its participation.


Subject Russia and the Eurasian Economic Union Significance The Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) came into effect in January 2015, replacing a customs union. The EEU is an attempt to integrate the economies of Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia -- with Kyrgyzstan set to join in May -- into a single market of 175 million people with a combined GDP of 2.4 trillion dollars. Supranational and intergovernmental institutions are intended to ensure the free movement of goods, capital, services and people within the union, which also foresees common transport, agriculture and energy policies, a single currency, and closer future integration. Impacts Following Crimea's annexation, the EEU is increasingly seen by skeptics as a Russian attempt to grow its political influence in Eurasia. Kazakhstan will continue to develop strong relations with China and the West despite being an EEU member. Russia's economic slowdown may have serious consequences for remittance payments back to other EEU member countries.


Subject Japan-Central Asia ties. Significance Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will make a five-nation tour of Central Asia in August -- the first since Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's in 2006. With the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union in effect as of January 1 and China fleshing out its plans for a 'New Silk Road Economic Belt', Japan presents itself as a 'third option' that could dilute China's and Russia's predominance. Impacts Opportunities for Japanese investment will grow, especially in the field of nuclear energy. Security ties could grow under the Abe government's defence reforms, 'proactive pacificism' and new interest in counter-terrorism. South Korea presents itself as another 'third option' and other countries are becoming more active too, even as the US presence recedes.


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