Political Parties, Social Class, and Economic Policy Preferences

1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 18-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward R. Tufte
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Macroeconomic Performance ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
Electoral Calendar

ALTHOUGH THE SYNCHRONIZATION OF ECONOMIC FLUCTUations with the electoral cycle often preoccupies political leaders, the real force of political influence on macroeconomic performance comes in the determination of economic priorities. Here the ideology and platform of the political party in power dominate. Just as the electoral calendar helps set the timing of policy, so the ideology of political leaders shapes the substance of economic policy.

scholarly journals PENYELESAIAN PERSELISIHAN INTERNAL PARTAI POLITIK SECARA MUFAKAT DAN DEMOKRATIS / DISPUTE RESOLUTION OF INTERNAL POLITICAL PARTIES IN CONSENSUS AND DEMOCRATIC

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Randy Pradityo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The People ◽  
Internal Mechanism ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Many

Penyelesaian perkara pada jalur litigasi yang cenderung lambat ditambah dengan penumpukan perkara, didukung dengan banyaknya celah atau kekurangan pada undang-undang partai politik, khususnya terkait penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai. Banyaknya permasalahan tersebut mengharuskan setiap individu yang terlibat untuk mengambil tindakan progresif dengan melampaui peraturan tersebut. Tindakan progresif yang dimaksud salah satunya melalui jalur non-litigasi yakni mediasi. Mediasi dilaksanakan dengan musyawarah mufakat, dengan melibatkan rakyat didalamnya, atau lebih tepatnya tokoh masyarakat yang dirasa netral. Terlepas hal itu merupakan sengketa internal partai, namun rakyatlah yang memiliki andil di dalam setiap roda kehidupan partai politik di dalam sistem demokrasi. Kemudian ada beberapa cara yang bisa ditempuh dalam rangka penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai politik, selain mediasi tadi, ada tiga sistem penunjang untuk mencegah potensi buruk yang ditimbulkan akibat gejolak internal partai. Pertama, melalui mekanisme internal yang menjamin demokratisasi melalui partisipasi anggota partai politik tersebut dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Kedua, melalui mekanisme transparansi partai melalui rakyat di luar partai yang dapat ikut-serta berpartisipasi dalam penentuan kebijakan yang hendak diperjuangkan melalui dan oleh partai politik. Ketiga, menjamin kebebasan berpikir, berpendapat dan berekspresi, serta kebebasan untuk berkumpul dan berorganisasi secara damai.The settlement of cases in litigation pathways that tend to be slow coupled with the accumulation of cases, supported by the many gaps or shortcomings in the laws of political parties, especially related to the settlement of internal party disputes. The number of these problems requires every individual involved to take progressive action by exceeding these regulations. The progressive actions that are meant by one of them through non-litigation means mediation. Mediation is carried out through consensus deliberations, involving the people in it, or more precisely the community leaders who are perceived as neutral. Apart from that it is an internal party dispute, but it is the people who have a share in every wheel of the life of a political party in a democratic system. Then there are several ways that can be pursued in order to resolve internal political party disputes, in addition to the mediation, there are three support systems to prevent the bad potential arising from internal party turmoil. First, through an internal mechanism that guarantees democratization through the participation of members of the political party in the decision making process. Second, through the mechanism of party transparency through people outside the party who can participate in the determination of policies that are to be fought for through and by political parties. Third, guarantee the freedom of thought, opinion and expression, as well as the freedom to gather and organize peacefully.

scholarly journals Koalisi Partai Politik di Kabinet: Antara Penguatan Lembaga Kepresidenan atau Politik Balas Budi

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.

scholarly journals Penerapan Parliamentary Threshold pada Pemilihan Umum 2009

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-374
Author(s):  
Nur’Ayni Itasari
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Threshold Mechanism

Abstract: The selection process through the  (general) election mechanism can be identified with the electoral system ever implemented in the Islamic government. First, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was carried out by the trust and allegiance. Second, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was done through the periodic election, selection in society, and by the head of state. Parliamentary Threshold (PT) is a threshold mechanism in place at legislative elections (for parliament) with a percentage of 2.5% for the political parties which contested the election to follow the counting in the determination of the House of Representative’s seats. Parliamentary Threshold, according to Law No. 10 year 2008, article 202, paragraph 1 (regarding the election of members of DPR, DPD and DPRD) in the 2009 election, was implemented by calculating the minimum total of 2.5% of the valid votes in the national political party contestants. Then those parties were listed, which ones were the Parliamentary Threshold and which ones were not the Parliamentary Threshold to determine BPP to calculate the DPR’s seats for the electoral party  contestants that had passed the threshold.Keywords: Parliamentary threshold, general election, democracy, and constitution

scholarly journals MODEL REKRUTMEN POLITIK CALON ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF OLEH PARTAI POLITIK DI KABUPATEN SIDOARJO

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Riyadh U.B. ◽  
Hendra Sukmana
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Governing Council ◽  
Serial Number ◽  
Election Commission ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

The aim of this research was to discuss the model of recruiting candidates for legislative is conducted by political parties in Sidoarjo Regency. This research used descriptive qualitative. This research was conducted at the Governing Council of Political Parties in Sidoarjo Regency. Informants of this study were leaders of political parties in Sidoarjo, legislative candidates from political parties in Sidoarjo. The results showed that the model of recruiting candidates for legislative in accordance with collaboration models included models of Barber, Snowiss, Rush & Althoff et al. This can be seen from some of the steps in the recruitment socialization of registration, selection, after that determination of legislative candidate by a team of Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu) political party in the Sidoarjo Regency and the serial number in accordance with the criteria of the political party chairman and Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu). Furthermore, it is registered with the General Election Commission (KPU) Sidoarjo regency set to be candidates for Legislative (candidates) remain with serial numbers.

scholarly journals Associational Rights of the Major Political Parties: A Political and Jurisprudential Dead End

1996 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 351-370
Author(s):  
Daniel H. Lowenstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Past ◽  
Fourth Term ◽  
Dead End

When Senator Bill Bradley (D-N.J.) announced that he would not run for a fourth term, he said the political system was "broken" and added that Neither political party speaks to people where they live their lives. . . . Both have moved away from my own concept of service and my own idea of what America can be (Levy 1995). Although the source of these strong sentiments may have been surprising, the sentiments themselves cannot have been remarkable to anyone who has lived in the United States for the past couple of decades, which have been a time of collapsing public confidence in political leaders and institutions.

Towards the Final Legitimation of the Party

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Sole Source ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Formation ◽  
Post War ◽  
Dominant Influence

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.

Searching for Political Parties in the Past

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Common

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.

Varieties of Intra-Party Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Two Dimensional ◽  
Rare Exception ◽  
Empirical Analyses

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.

The Effects of Manifesto Politics on Programmatic Change

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Change ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Causal Link ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Core Business ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Decision Mode ◽  
Programmatic Change

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.

How Do Mainstream Parties ‘Become’ Mainstream, and Pariah Parties ‘Become’ Pariahs? Conceptualizing the Processes of Mainstreaming and Pariahing in the Labelling of Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Benjamin Moffitt
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Case Selection ◽  
Mainstream Party

Abstract How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.

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