Politics in Brazil: Cardoso’s Government and the 1998 Re‐election

1999 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Rodrigues da Silva ◽  
Maria D'Alva Kinzo
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Latin American Countries

LAST YEAR, FOR THE FIRST TIME IN BRAZILIAN POLITICAL HISTORY, an election for the presidency of the Republic took place which permitted the current president to run for a second term. Although a practice widely adopted in the democratic world, re-election of a head of government was not authorized by the constitutions of all Latin American countries. This was due largely to its being perceived negatively, as a means of perpetuation in power – as a synonym for dictatorship. Only recently was it established in Peru, in Argentina and, last year, in Brazil, giving Messrs Fujimori, Menem and Cardoso a chance to run for and win a second term in office in their respective countries. In Brazil, the opposition accused the president in office of trying to maintain himself in power. However, the change resulted from congressional approval, in accordance with the constitution. Moreover, after having passed its first test last year, the re-election is already part of the established framework and taken as a fact of reality.

scholarly journals Selected Aspects of Polish-Mexican Relations on the Political, Economic and Cultural-Scientific Level in the 21st Century

Ad Americam ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 59-82
Author(s):  
Justyna Łapaj-Kucharska
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
First Time ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Polish Foreign

Polish-Mexican relations on the political, economic, cultural and scientific levels have developed over the decades. The first political contacts between our two countries, after Poland regained its independence, were established in the 1920s. However, interstate contacts have not been developed on a larger scale. This was due, among others, to the fact that the Latin American countries did not occupy a priority position in Polish foreign policy neither before or after World War II. After 1990, Mexico became one of Poland’s most important Latin American partners. The Polish-Mexican trade exchange has been growing systematically. In 2015, it exceeded USD 1 billion for the first time in history. In April 2017 the first, historic visit at the highest level of the President of the Republic of Poland, Andrzej Duda, took place in Mexico. It was a positive manifestation of the need to strengthen relations at the highest level and to testify the political will to intensify Poland’s relations with Mexico. In the second decade of the 21st century, we can talk about a “new opening” in Polish-Mexican relations. This manifests itself in both political and economic as well as cultural and scientific contacts. This article shows the most important manifestations of Poland’s relations with Mexico in the first and second decade of the 21st century with some references to previous years.

Checklist of the oribatid mites (Acari: Oribatida) of the Republic of Colombia

Zootaxa ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 5087 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-58
Author(s):  
ANDRÉS A. SALAZAR-FILLIPPO ◽  
LADISLAV MIKO
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Current Knowledge ◽  
Distribution Patterns ◽  
Neotropical Region ◽  
Oribatid Mites ◽  
The Past ◽  
Real Community ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Latin American Countries

This checklist of oribatid mites of the Republic of Colombia compiles and provides a taxonomic update of all records known up to 2020. It includes 192 entries accounting for 68 named and 47 unnamed species belonging to 73 genera and 58 families of non-astigmatid oribatid mites. Specimens from the brachypyline supercohort were dominant (54.7%), followed by Mixonomata (30.7%). However, current knowledge is far from being complete and distribution patterns show large gaps throughout the country due to this lacking knowledge and most existing investigations only include group specific studies that prevent from any conclusions regarding the real community composition of oribatids in Colombia. From 32 political-administrative departments, oribatids have been reported in 20, but 5 account for 65% of the records. These are: Cundinamarca -including Bogotá D.C.- (24.4%), Magdalena (21.8%), Nariño (6.3%), La Guajira (6.3%), and Quindío (5.9%). Whereas most oribatid reports in the Neotropical region have taken place during the past five decades, a map presented in this document shows that Colombia still lags behind other Latin American countries. Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil, for instance, have reported the highest number of species for the region and are the only nations that possess national oribatid checklists in Latin America. The current work represents a national baseline of oribatids encouraging further study of this clearly underrepresented group.  

Festival of Contemporary Latin American Music

Tempo ◽  
1955 ◽  
pp. 4-5
Author(s):  
Aaron Copland
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
American Music ◽  
Latin American Music ◽  
American Composers ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
Orchestral Works ◽  
The Moment ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Town ◽  
Latin American Countries

Caracas, Venezuela, unlike Paris, France, is a newcomer in the field of present day music. Nevertheless it recently succeeded in putting itself on the contemporary musical map—and with a bang. No one, not even Paris, had ever before thought of organising a festival of orchestral works by contemporary Latin American composers. This happened for the first time anywhere in Caracas, which is full of vitality at the moment, thanks to an oil-engendered prosperity. The town boasts of a good orchestra, a brand new open-air amphitheatre seating six thousand people, and a lively cultural organisation, the Institución José Angel Lamas, headed by Dr. Inocente Palacios. This musically minded enthusiast is the kind of Maecenas composers dream about. By enlisting the aid of the Venezuelan government and other private sources he managed to put on an event that will have historical significance in the annals of Ibero-American music. Within the space of two and a half weeks forty symphonic compositions originating in seven Latin American countries were performed in a series of eight concerts. This was a major effort for all concerned, especially for the courageous musicians of the Orquesta Sinfonica Venezuela and the Festival's principal conductors: Heitor Villa Lobos, Carlos Chávez, Juan José Castro, and Rios Reyna.

scholarly journals Financing Higher Education in Latin America

2014 ◽  
pp. 22-24
Author(s):  
Ana Garcia De Fanelli
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Tertiary Education ◽  
Public Funds ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Funding Mechanisms ◽  
Financing Higher Education ◽  
First Time ◽  
Latin American Countries

Latin American countries have been enjoying a strong growth during the 2000s for the first time since the debt crisis of the 1980s.  This article focuses on some of the changes that took place during these boom years with regard to public and private funds earmarked for tertiary education, some consequences of this funding pattern in terms of equity, and the main innovations in funding mechanisms put in place to allocate public funds.

Black and Indigenous Inequality in Mexico: Implications for Multiracialism and Intersectionality Research

2021 ◽  
pp. 233264922110120
Author(s):  
Christina A. Sue ◽  
Fernando Riosmena
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Size Composition ◽  
Black Population ◽  
Short Time Span ◽  
Master Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Short Time ◽  
First Time ◽  
Latin American Countries

In recent decades, an increasing number of Latin American countries have included ethnoracial questions on their censuses, giving rise to unprecedented data on monoracial and multiracial forms of classification. In Mexico, the government launched a count of its black population for the first time in the nation’s history in 2015, in addition to its long-standing practice of enumerating its indigenous population. Most recently in 2018, it conducted a survey, again asking about both black and indigenous identification. Within this short time span, the black population grew from 1.8 percent to 5.9 percent, becoming a sizable, statistically visible minority. A large majority of black individuals also identified as indigenous, revealing an important form of dual-minority multiracialism. In this article, we analyze these unprecedented data, detailing the size, composition, and growth of these populations. We use the Mexican case to illustrate the potential implications of measuring ethnoracial inequality using single- versus dual-category approaches. We find that black disadvantage is considerably more pronounced when explicitly allowing for multiracial classification. Methodologically, our findings contribute to nascent conversations about how to incorporate the new social and statistical realities of multiracialism in inequality analyses. Theoretically, we expand the multiracialism literature from its traditional focus on part-white mixtures, to a focus on overlapping minority classification. Finally, we build on theories of intersectionality, which generally focus on intersections of oppression across multiple “master statuses” (e.g., race, class, and gender), by also examining intersecting oppressions within the single master status of race.

scholarly journals La revocación del mandato en las democracias de América Latina

2021 ◽  
pp. 323
Author(s):  
Carlos Garrido López
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
America Latina ◽  
And Control ◽  
Latin American Countries

La revocación del mandato ha sido, hasta hace unas décadas, un mecanismo de democracia directa poco extendido y apenas usado fuera de EE.UU. La crisis de la representación y del sistema de partidos que padecieron varios países latinoamericanos condujo, sin embargo, a reparar en la revocación del mandato como una vía adicional de participación y control de los ciudadanos que podría estimular la receptividad y la responsabilidad de las autoridades electas. Y de ser una institución apenas conocida, la revocación se ha extendido a varios de los países latinoamericanos más importantes, al punto de convertirse en una de las señas distintivas de la región. En este trabajo se realiza un estudio comparado de la revocación del mandato en Argentina, Colombia y Perú, donde se ha limitado a las autoridades regionales y locales. Se analizan, asimismo, la revocación de los diputados y autoridades locales por decisión de los partidos y a iniciativa y votación popular en Panamá; la revocación en Ecuador, Venezuela y Bolivia, donde la institución se ha extendido a todos los cargos electos, incluido el presidente de la República; y la revocación del presidente y de los gobernadores de los entes federados en México tras la reforma constitucional impulsada en 2019 por López Obrador. El trabajo concluye con un balance de los diseños institucionales de la revocación del mandato, en el que se subraya la tensión existente entre el proyecto normativo y sus condiciones de realización.The recall was, until recent decades, a tool of direct democracy that was hardly known or used outside the United States. However, the crisis of representation and of the party system that several Latin American countries suffered led to recover the recall as an additional form of citizen participation and control that could boost receptivity and responsibility of elected authorities. In only three decades, the recall has moved from being barely known to spreading to the most important Latin American countries and becoming one of the distinctive features of the region. In this work we present a comparative study of the recall in Argentina, Colombia and the Republic of Peru, where it was limited to regional and local authorities. We also analyse the recall of local legislators and authorities by decision of the political parties and popular vote in Panama; the recall in Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia, where this institution has spread to all elected offices, including the president of the republic; and the recall of the president and governors of the federal entities of Mexico after the constitutional reform promoted by López Obrador. This work ends by assessing the institutional designs of the recall, where we emphasize the tension between draft legislation and its conditions for implementation.

scholarly journals INNOVATION EFFORTS OF COMPANIES IN LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 100-121
Author(s):  
Anderson Freitas dos Santos ◽  
Vitor da Silva Bittencourt ◽  
Priscila Rezende da Costa ◽  
Rony Castro Fernandes de Sousa
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
World Bank ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Size Perception ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
The World Bank ◽  
The World ◽  
First Time ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Number Of Firms

In this study we examine the innovation efforts, accelerated internationalization, and relational triggers of companies in Latin American countries. It is the first time a study jointly and empirically assesses the perception of the seriousness of institutional obstacles and innovation efforts, considering as a unit of analysis a large number of firms from Latin American countries. We used a database from the World Bank (Environment Surveys) with 14,064 companies from 20 countries in Latin America, which answered questions related to their innovation efforts from 2006 to 2018. Introduction of new or significantly improved products and processes and investments in research and development (R&D) had the greatest validity and quality power in factor analysis performed for the construct “innovation efforts.”  We observed positive patterns of correlation between age, size, perception of the seriousness of institutional obstacles and innovation efforts. The results contribute to the structuring of professionalization, expansion, and maturation programs for Latin American businesses.

Mexico internet improvements will be insufficient

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Information And Communications Technology ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Catching Up ◽  
5G Network ◽  
Other Information ◽  
Regional Leaders ◽  
Shared Network ◽  
First Time ◽  
Latin American Countries

Subject Internet improvement. Significance On March 21, Mexico launched the ‘Red Compartida’ (Shared Network) -- a 7.2-billion-dollar public-private partnership that will create a government-run wholesale 5G network. The launch follows the release on February 20 of the Mexican statistics agency’s 2017 National Survey on Availability and use of Technologies at Home (ENDUTIH), which found that for the first time a majority of households had internet access. Mexico nevertheless lags behind its OECD peers and many other Latin American countries in terms of internet usage and most other information and communications technology (ICT) indicators. Impacts With no party prioritising ICT ahead of the 2018 election, progress in catching up with regional leaders is likely to be slow. Low fixed broadband adoption will make this sector less attractive for investment than faster growing mobile broadband. Still insufficient regulation will see dominant telecoms companies hinder ICT competition as they seek to control market share.

Early Positivistic Thought and Ideological Conflict in Chile

1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 376-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Bader
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
West Coast ◽  
Pacific Coast ◽  
The West ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Ideological Conflict ◽  
The Republic ◽  
War Of The Pacific ◽  
Latin American Countries

Although virtually unstudied, the introduction of the philosophy of positivism into Chile acted as a catalyst upon the development of that country during the decade before the War of the Pacific. Scholars have given appropriate attention to the influence of positivism as it became significant in other Latin American countries during the eighteen-seventies, and Leopold Zea has discussed the importance of that philosophic system in Chile during the years which followed the west coast conflict of 1879-1883. However, despite the ever increasing number of articles and monographs dealing with positivism, the historians of Latin America have ignored the philosophy's growth in the Republic of Chile before the war and the effect of that growth upon the ideologies already extant in the Pacific coast nation.

scholarly journals Próba analizy porównawczej litewskiej gospodarki folwarczno-pańszczyźnianej i latynoamerykańskiej gospodarki hacjendowej od II połowy XVIII do II połowy XIX wieku w kontekście kapitalistycznego systemu-świata

1970 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
Darius Žiemelis Darius Žiemelis
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Capitalist World ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Method Of Production ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First Time ◽  
Latin American Countries

The paper for the first time in historiography compares the Lithuanian manorial-serf economy and Latin American hacienda economic systems in the second half of the 18th century – the second half of the 19th century in the context of the capitalist world system (CWS). The main focus will be on the explication in macro level of similarities and differences of structures and development trends of these systems. The analyzed period – is the stage of both the dominance and intensification of manorial-serf economy in Lithuania and predominance and intensification of hacienda economy in Latin American countries and it was determined by the same factor of the industrial revolution. The study confirms the thesis that these economic systems belonged to typologically close economic type (were focused on the serfdom method of production) in the global division of labor. It shows that both Lithuanian manorial-serf economy and haciendas of Latin America were not typical feudal enterprises, but had only peripheral capitalism features.

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