scholarly journals Selected Aspects of Polish-Mexican Relations on the Political, Economic and Cultural-Scientific Level in the 21st Century

Ad Americam ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 59-82
Author(s):  
Justyna Łapaj-Kucharska

Polish-Mexican relations on the political, economic, cultural and scientific levels have developed over the decades. The first political contacts between our two countries, after Poland regained its independence, were established in the 1920s. However, interstate contacts have not been developed on a larger scale. This was due, among others, to the fact that the Latin American countries did not occupy a priority position in Polish foreign policy neither before or after World War II. After 1990, Mexico became one of Poland’s most important Latin American partners. The Polish-Mexican trade exchange has been growing systematically. In 2015, it exceeded USD 1 billion for the first time in history. In April 2017 the first, historic visit at the highest level of the President of the Republic of Poland, Andrzej Duda, took place in Mexico. It was a positive manifestation of the need to strengthen relations at the highest level and to testify the political will to intensify Poland’s relations with Mexico. In the second decade of the 21st century, we can talk about a “new opening” in Polish-Mexican relations. This manifests itself in both political and economic as well as cultural and scientific contacts. This article shows the most important manifestations of Poland’s relations with Mexico in the first and second decade of the 21st century with some references to previous years.

Author(s):  
Klaudia Łodejska

Migration processes have accompanied man since the dawn of time. In the case of migration currents to South Africa after World War II, there are several factors influencing the decisions to migrate. There were several waves of migration, depending on the changing in the second half of the Twentieth century South Africa’s economic and political situation. To properly present the issue of migration to South Africa, both from Poland and other countries of the world, it is first necessary to focus on the events that enabled the development of a policy of racial segregation. Then focus on economic development during this period that determined the successive waves of migrants. The last, crucial element is focusing on emigrants and the reasons for their emigration. In the case of the Polish diaspora in South Africa, many people decided to leave Poland due to the political system that was in the communist period; they wanted to give their children a better start in life or simply wanted to develop professionally, which was not possible at that time in the country. The aim of this article is to present the political, economic, demographic and social factors that influenced migration to South Africa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-566
Author(s):  
Dario Gaggio

In the aftermath of World War II, Italy’s centrist leaders saw in the emerging US empire an opportunity to implement emigration schemes that had been in circulation for decades. Hundreds of thousands of Italian peasant farmers could perhaps be able to settle on Latin American and African land thanks to the contribution of US capital. This article examines the Italian elites’ obsession with rural colonization abroad as the product of their desire to valorize the legacy of Italy's settler colonialism in Libya and thereby reinvent Italy's place in the world in the aftermath of military defeat and decolonization. Despite the deep ambivalence of US officials, Italy received Marshall Plan funds to carry out experimental settlements in several Latin American countries. These visions of rural settlement also built on the nascent discourses about the ‘development’ of non-western areas. Despite the limited size and success of the Italian rural ‘colonies’ in Latin America, these projects afford a window into the politics of decolonization, the character of US hegemony at the height of the Cold War, and the evolving attitude of Latin American governments towards immigration and rural development. They also reveal the contradictory relationships between Italy's leaders and the country's rural masses, viewed as redundant and yet precious elements to be deployed in a global geopolitical game.


Author(s):  
Zelideth María Rivas

Representations of Asians in Latin America and the Caribbean have been caught in the fissures of history, in part because their presence ambivalently affirms, depends upon, and simultaneously denies dominant narratives of race. While these populations are often stereotyped and mislabed as chino, Latin American countries have also made them into symbols of kinship and citizenship by providing a connection to Asia as a source of economic and political power. Yet, their presence highlights a rupture in nationalistic ideas of race that emphasize the European, African, and indigenous. Historically, Asian Latin American and Caribbean literary and cultural representations began during the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (1565–1815) with depictions of Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino slaves and galleon laborers. Soon after, Indian and Chinese laborers were in demand as coolie trafficking became prevalent throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Toward the end of the 19th century, Latin American and Caribbean countries began to establish political ties with Asia, ushering in Asian immigrants as a replacement labor force for African slaves. By the beginning of World War II, first- and second-generation immigrants recorded their experiences in poetry, short stories, and memoirs, often in their native languages. World War II disrupted Asian diplomacy with Latin America, and Caribbean and Latin American countries enacted laws that ostracized and deported Japanese immigrants. World War II also marked a change for Asian immigrants to Latin America and the Caribbean: they shifted from temporary to permanent immigrants. Here, authors depicted myriad aspects of their identities—language and citizenship, race, and sexuality—in their birth languages. In other words, late 20th century and early 21st century literature highlights the communities as Latin American and Caribbean. Finally, the presence of Asians in Latin America and the Caribbean has influenced Latin American and Caribbean literature and cultural production, highlighting them as characters and their cultures as themes. Most importantly, however, Latin American modernism emerged from a Latin American orientalism that differs from a European orientalism.


1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Kelly

Interest in geopolitics in England, the United States, and many other countries became dormant following World War II in reaction to the expansionisticgeopolitikof Hitlerian strategists. Its re-awakening is only recently apparent. However, this approach has maintained its influence and vitality in South America's Southern Cone, particularly in Argentina, Chile and Brazil, where military governments predominate, the United States is more distant, and particular national problems encourage traditional geopolitical solutions. Among these Latin American countries, Brazil's geopolitics is the most developed and extensive.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089692052110322
Author(s):  
Jorge Daniel Vásquez

This paper calls into question the universal application of the concept of populism. It points to how particular historical processes need to be taken into account when addressing the formation of populism in Latin American countries. Unlike more theorized cases as Argentinian or Mexican populism, I use the Ecuadorian case to show how critical historical contextualization of 21st-century populism requires analyzing the continuities and ruptures with sociological knowledge about a particular populism. Such an analysis of continuities and ruptures shows the theoretical convergences among Latin America as a region and the political dynamics of specific historical processes. I highlight how the conceptions of 21st-century Ecuadorian populism as a “passive revolution” or “authoritarian disfigurement of democracy” provide some theoretical tools for examining the historical process of Ecuadorian populism but ultimately fall short of critical analysis. In conclusion, I derived from the Ecuadorian case some elements for the analysis of Latin American populist projects.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 223-234
Author(s):  
Симона [Simona] Груевска-Маџоска [Gruevska-Madžoska]

Language policy in the Republic of Macedonia – between legislation and practice The question about the status of the Macedonian language manifests itself for the first time in the 19th century, but its resolution starts with the codification of the Macedonian lan­guage after World War II. The Macedonian language is then declared as an official language in the Macedonian republic and equal amongst the other languages in SFR Yugoslavia. However, the official language in SFR Yugoslavia (the language of international communication, mili­tary dealings, one of the core subjects in all elementary schools etc.) was the Serbo‑Croatian language. With the formation of an independent Republic of Macedonia, the Macedonian language became the only official language until the peace deal Ohrid Framework Agreement was signed, when the language of the largest ethnic minority – the Albanian language – gains the status of an official language. The issue of interest of this article is whether the Macedonian language has changed its status and to what extent, what are the terms of legislation for it and the real situation in which it is found in the Republic of Macedonia. Polityka językowa w Republice Macedonii – między ustawodawstwem a praktyką Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniom związanym ze zmianą statusu języka macedoń­skiego, jego stanem prawnym i faktyczną sytuacją językową w Republice Macedonii.Kwestia statusu języka macedońskiego pojawiła się po raz pierwszy w XIX wieku, lecz jej właściwe rozwiązanie nastąpiło wraz z kodyfikacją języka literackiego po II wojnie świa­towej. Wówczas język macedoński został uznany za oficjalny w Socjalistycznej Republice Macedonii i równouprawniony z pozostałymi językami w SFR Jugosławii, przy czym języ­kiem oficjalnym federacyjnego państwa był serbskochorwacki/chorwackoserbski (jako język komunikacji międzynarodowej, język armii i przedmiot obowiązkowego nauczania w szkole podstawowej itd.).Z chwilą ukonstytuowania się Republiki Macedonii jako niezależnego państwa język ma­cedoński został jedynym językiem oficjalnym, sytuacja taka trwała aż do podpisania umowy w Ochrydzie (Ohridskiot ramoven dogovor), kiedy to także albański – jako język największej mniejszości etnicznej w kraju – zyskał status języka oficjalnego.


1976 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 129-160
Author(s):  
Ryszard Stemplowski

The article describes the complexities of Argentine foreign policy between 1939 and 1945. After the beginning of World War II Argentine declared neutrality in the conflict. This was opposed by Argentine citizens and entrepreneurs. Great pressure was put on Argentina to denounce its neutrality after Pearl Harbor, as United States wanted all Latin American countries to support the Allies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Rohrbach ◽  

Much of the literature that emerged in the 20th century about relationships between Serbia and the Republic of Austria, is marked by emotional guilt assigning and political or nationalist influences. That is why, since the beginning of the 21st century, a group of European historians researched events in the Balkans in the first third of the 21st century. The results of this research are partly contrary to all previous theses on the completion of the First World War II and its influence on the creation of Yugoslavia. In addition to South Slavic experts, the authors of this paper also belong to this group of researchers. Our own analyzes and conclusions, as well as quotes from colleagues show how often partial information were consciously taken from archival material, from which (sometimes voluntarily), distorted overall picture were made. This article tries to, through additional source material and contemporary literature on the years 1914-2021, acts enlightening in areas where percepciones of Austrian and Serbian authors differ in most cases.


1999 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Rodrigues da Silva ◽  
Maria D'Alva Kinzo

LAST YEAR, FOR THE FIRST TIME IN BRAZILIAN POLITICAL HISTORY, an election for the presidency of the Republic took place which permitted the current president to run for a second term. Although a practice widely adopted in the democratic world, re-election of a head of government was not authorized by the constitutions of all Latin American countries. This was due largely to its being perceived negatively, as a means of perpetuation in power – as a synonym for dictatorship. Only recently was it established in Peru, in Argentina and, last year, in Brazil, giving Messrs Fujimori, Menem and Cardoso a chance to run for and win a second term in office in their respective countries. In Brazil, the opposition accused the president in office of trying to maintain himself in power. However, the change resulted from congressional approval, in accordance with the constitution. Moreover, after having passed its first test last year, the re-election is already part of the established framework and taken as a fact of reality.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 81-112
Author(s):  
Jerzy Grzybowski

The article discusses the history of the formation and activity of the Polish orthodox chaplaincy in the three western occupation zones of Germany after World War II. At that time, there were hundreds of thousands of refugees from Poland in the area. In terms of religion they constituted a mosaic. The followers of the Orthodox Church were the second largest group after the Catholics. The authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile felt obliged to provide these people with religious care. Led by Archbishop Sawa (Sowietov), priests carried out the ministry in Germany. The author has analyzed the political and social conditions in which the structures of the Polish Orthodox Church in refugee camps in West Germany were organized and functioned. The author has also presented the influence of the ethnic factor on the activity of the Polish Orthodox clergy.


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